112 yes (2) / (3) / (4) / (5) (5) :! :! / *! (1) (5) (2)-(4) (6)-(8) a b : ( 2008) (inchoative aspect) ( ) ( ) ( ) / be (6)-(8) b 5 (9) : (10) / (9) :

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1 ( ) May Modern Foreign Languages (Quarterly) Vol.34 No.2 yes * : : ; yes yes : [ ] H314.3 [ ] A [ ] (2011) yes 2 : ( 1937 / 1980; 1990 / 1997) 1 (tag question) (VP-ellipsis) yes be (affirmative). : : 3 (identification) yes (1) : : / * John Wakefield ( ) ( :G-YX85) 1 2 (root clause) (embedded clause) 3

2 112 yes (2) / (3) / (4) / (5) (5) :! :! / *! (1) (5) (2)-(4) (6)-(8) a b : ( 2008) (inchoative aspect) ( ) ( ) ( ) / be (6)-(8) b 5 (9) : (10) / (9) :! ( ; ) (10) 6 ( Chao 1968: (2)-(4) 718) (4) 4 7 : (6)a. b. * (7)a. 旸旸 ( ) b.* 旸旸 ( ) (8)a. b. * 4 : ( 2008) 5 (1981) Huang et al. (2009) (i) (ii) (i) (* ) (ii) (* ) 6 Chao ok (9) (10) 7 (i) CCL : + X X (i) : ( )

3 113 (11)a. b. * (12)a. b.* (11)-(12) (15b) (16) (17) (16)a. b. e (13) (14) (13)a. ; b. * (14)a. : b. * 9 (2) (13)-(14) b. * (18a) : / ; S VP : FP ; (13)-(14) a : (license) (15) 8 (15)a. e (e= ) b. * e (15a) e e (17)a. e b. * e : (18) (18)a. (19)[ FP [ Spec [ F [ NP /AP ]]]] (13)-(14) (=SNP) : S VP (20)[ FP [ IP [ VP ] FP (13a); 8 9 (1988)

4 114 yes (14a) (27) * / (21) : (21)a. b. 10 c. (26) (27)-(29) (22) (23) 11 (22) VP (23) [ e ] (22)-(23) (15)-(17) (1) (5) (1) [ ] (30) (30) : (5) ( ) ( ) 12 (30) *( ) : (24)-(25); (26)-(29) (24) / ( / ) ( ) (25) (non-neutral) ( ) / ( ) ( ) / ( ) (28) * / ( ) (29) * / ( ) (24) (25) (24)-(25) ( ) (22) ( CCL ) : 13 (26) * 10 (21b) A A 11 (22) (23) 12 (i) (i) : ; ( )

5 115 (31) [ ] (neutral) (25) VP (31) /! 14 ( 1980) (26) (27) -(29) (32)* / 15 (27)-(29) (27) (23) be ( : 1937 / 1980;Chao 1968) : (D- linked discourse) which ; : be (non-d-linked discourse) who what be yes 16 (27)-(29) yes yes (33) : 歟 : ( ) (33) (1937) yes yes (34); (5) (22) (22) (34) : Smooth away landmine (31) quickly! (23). :yes (Hornby 2005) : Yes Sir! 13 (2005) ( ) ( ) (2005) 14 CCL (i) (i) 15 Li Thompson(1979) (1961 / 1999) Huang(1991) (1982 / 1998) 16 Pesetsky(1987) ; Karttunen(1977)

be (non-d-linked discourse) who what be yes 16 (27)-(29) yes yes (33) : 歟 : ( ) (33) (1937) yes yes (34); (5) (22) (22)

6 116 yes yes ; (35)a. Sorry I m late the bus didn t : (40) come. Oh yes (Hornby 2005) (39b) b. [e] (35a) yes (interjection / exclamation) yes (40) VP 1 VP 2 (VP 1 =VP2= (22) *Oh yes the bus didn t come yes (35a) it is so ( : yes do (38b) yes )(35b) (22) me too yes (2)-(4) I / me enjoy it too - yes (36)-(37); (41)-(42) 17 (36)a. John likes reading books* yes (41)Where was I Oh yes I was / doesn t he going to tell you about the dance. (Merriamb. John doesn t like reading books Webster s Advanced Learner s English *yes / does he (37)a. John is a footballer *yes / isn t Dictionary) (42)But what did you go out to see A he prophet Yes I say to you and more than b. John isn t a footballer *yes / a prophet. (New Testament of the Holy Bible is he Matthew Chapter 11) yes yes yes (38)a. I enjoyed her latest novel. b. Yes me too. (Hornby 2005) (39)a. (43)Have you seen it b. seen it). (39b) (38b) yes : ) (Huddleston & Pullum 2002) (43) (44) a-b c (44) a. / ( ) b. c. * / * Yes( I ve 17 John Wakefield

yes (36)-(37); (41)-(42) 17 (36)a. John likes reading books* yes (41)Where was I Oh yes I was / doesn t he going to tell you about the dance. (Merriamb.

7 117 yes it is so ( ) yes : : ; (22) ; yes (22) yes yes yes (2)-(4) (13)-(14) (15a) e yes (35a) (35b) yes yes : ; yes :. : Chao Y-R A Grammar of Spoken Chinese [M]. Berkeley / Los Angeles: University of California Press. yes Hornby A S Oxford Advanced Learner s Dictionary (7 th edition) [M]. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Huang C. -T. J Modularity and Chinese A- not-a-questions [A]. In C. Georgepolous & R. yes : Ishihara (eds.). Interdisciplinary Approaches to Language: Essays in Honor of S. [C]. Dordrecht: Kluwer Y. Kuroda ; yes Huang. C. -T. J. Y. -H. A. Li. & Y-F Li The Syntax of Chinese [M]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Huddleston R. & G. K. Pullum The yes to be Cambridge Grammar of the English Language [M]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. yes ; Karttunen L Syntax and semantics of questions [J]. Linguistics and Philosophy 1: 3-

Modularity and Chinese A- not-a-questions [A]. In C. Georgepolous & R. yes : Ishihara (eds.). Interdisciplinary Approaches to Language: Essays in Honor of S. [C]. Dordrecht: Kluwer 305-332. -Y.

8 118 yes 44. Li C. N. & S. A. Thompson The pragmatics of two types of yes-no questions in Mandarin and its universal implication [A]. In P. R. Clyne & W. F. Hanks (eds.). Papers from the Fifteenth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society [C]. Chicago Illinois Merriam-Webster Incorporated Merriam- Webster s Advanced Learner s English Dictionary [M]. Springfield Massachusetts U. S.A. Pesetsky D Wh-in-situ: Movement and unselective binding [A]. In E. J. Reuland & A. T. Meulen (eds.). The Representation of (In) definiteness [C]. Cambridge MA.: The MIT Press / 1999 [M] : 1990 / 1997 : [A] [C] : 1988 [J] ( 59 1 ): ( ) [M] : ( )1980 [M] : 1981 [J] (2): [J] (4): [A] ( )[C] : / 1998 [M] : : ; ; <hyhm@bnu.edu.cn>!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! (DST) (CAS) (interaction-alignment model) :Kees de Bot ( ) Diana Larsen-Freeman ( (CAS) ) Marjolijn Verspoor ( ) ( ) ( ) : : ( ) :900 / 600 / ( ) : julie@mail. xjtu.edu.cn : : ; : ; :julie@mail.xjtu.edu.cn

Merriam- Webster s Advanced Learner s English Dictionary [M]. Springfield Massachusetts U. S.A. Pesetsky D. 1987. Wh-in-situ: Movement and unselective binding [A]. In E. J. Reuland & A. T.

9 218 Abstracts of Articles in This Issue Remarks on shi and yes by Zhang Heyou and Deng Siying p.111 This paper studies the syntactic properties of shi in affirmative constructions. Shi of this kind may be regarded as a verbal category that licenses VP-ellipsis which is basically recoverable. Our analysis can be further supported from a detailed comparative study of similar categories like dui in Chinese and yes in English. It is argued that expressions with dui are prodrop structures. The English yes is an interjection which involves neither VP-ellipsis nor prodrop. The syntactic-semantic properties of the passive category gei by Xiong Zhongru p.119 Like the passive category bei gei can mean passive. But the passive category gei extends a vp without a full argument structure while bei does so with a full argument structure. The gei passive category can be extended by the functional category Caus(e) or both Caus(e) and the bei passive category. It can block the head movement of the matrix verb for its morphological independency. To satisfy the morphological requirement of the higher functional category of the Caus(e) and the bei passive category gei should be moved up to the positions of these categories. The landing sites make it develop the usage of ba and bei. A construction grammar approach to explicit performatives by Wu Jianfeng p.127 A single speech act verb does not perform its reflexive function online unless it occurs in an explicit performative structure. By treating explicit performatives as a cognitive construction we can avoid adding new meanings to a single speech act verb better deal with the separation of syntax from pragmatics in the previous studies of explicit performatives and explain the true / false sentence pattern related to the Chinese embedded clause. As a typical cognitive construction explicit performatives convey the pragmatic meaning of online reflexivity and are thus found to occur at the interface of syntax and pragmatics. The low frequency of the classifier-noun mismatch configuration in corpus and its underlying reasons by Wu Fuyun p.135 By using data from the Chinese Treebank 5.0 Corpus this paper investigates whether the classifier-noun mismatch configuration occurs frequently enough a premise assumed in the psycholinguistic research on the facilitative role of pre-rc classifier in object-extracted relative clause (RC) processing. The corpus analyses of object-extracted RCs show that classifiers tend to occur in the post-rc position but seldom occur in the pre-rc position totaling 10 tokens only none of which actually conforms to the mismatch-match pattern. This offers accounts for the asymmetrical distribution and suggests that natural language users mobilize other linguistic tools to avoid processing difficulties induced by a pre-rc classifier that is incongruent with the immediately following noun.

Our analysis can be further supported from a detailed comparative study of similar categories like dui in Chinese and yes in English. It is argued that expressions with dui are prodrop structures.

7 a x b (y) 2007a 7 b x b x y x b 2006a a 8 a. b. x. y. xb 8 a b x a x b y b x b x xb y a b 9 y b b x 11 a. b. x. y. xb Chao

7 a x b (y) 2007a 7 b x b x y x b 2006a a 8 a. b. x. y. xb 8 a b x a x b y b x b x xb y a b 9 y b b x 11 a. b. x. y. xb Chao 2008 6 * 2007a 2007a 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 2007a a : b = x : y 7 a b x y a b x 2006a a b a a x a x y b * 2007 8 2008 5-6 General Research Fund GRF A Comparative Study of Definiteness in Chinese Dialects B-Q02H