[halshs , v2] The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list

Transcription

1 Author manuscript, published in "Yuyanxue Luncong 45 (2012) " This is a preprint version. Reference of published version: Michaud, Alexis, and Guillaume Jacques The Phonology of Laze: Phonemic Analysis, Syllabic Inventory, and a Short Word List. Yuyanxue Luncong 语言学论丛 (45): The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list * Alexis Michaud ( 米可 ) Guillaume Jacques ( 向柏霖 ) Abstract: Laze is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in the county of Muli, in Sichuan, by a population of less than 1,000. The article proposes a synchronic account of Laze phonology, supplemented by a list of about 1,400 words in the Appendix. A phonemic analysis is proposed, with an inventory of syllables that brings to light the synchronic distributional properties of Laze onsets and rhymes properties that are crucial to ongoing research into the historical phonology of the subgroup of Sino-Tibetan to which Laze belongs. Keywords: Muli Shuitian; Laze; phonemic analysis; word list; syllabic inventory halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 木里水田话 ( 拉热话 ) 音系分析 : 音位归纳与音节盘点 提要 : 木里水田话 ( 拉热话 ) 是四川凉山州木里县的一种语言, 使用人口不到一千人 本文是对拉热话音系的共时分析, 附录一个 1,400 词左右的词汇表 通过音位分析表这个归纳工具, 可以看出拉热话声母与韵母的分布特征 这些特征对拉热话 纳西语 纳语等纳语组语言的历史研究有较为重要的意义 关键词 : 木里水田话, 拉热话, 音位归纳, 词汇表, 音节分析表 0. Introduction This article focuses on Laze (autonym: /lɑ ze /; referred to in China as Muli Shuitian 木里水田话 or Lare 拉热话 ), as spoken in Xiangjiao township, Muli prefecture, Sichuan, China ( 四川凉山州木里县项脚乡 ). Laze has fewer than 300 proficient speakers, and is little documented; see Huang Bufan 2009 for an introduction to a neighbouring dialect. The first author of this article conducted fieldwork on Laze in 2008 and The article provides a synchronic analysis of Laze; a Chinese-Laze word list is provided in the Appendix. A phonemic analysis is proposed, with a discussion of issues encountered in phonemicisation, and an inventory of syllables that brings to light the synchronic distributional properties of Laze onsets and rhymes properties that are crucial to ongoing research into the historical phonology of the subgroup of Sino-Tibetan to which Laze belongs: see Jacques and Michaud The phonemic system of Laze is analysed here following the classical methods developed in the Prague school of phonology, as set out, for instance, by Martinet (1956, 1980 [1960]:61-82). * The Laze data were collected by Alexis Michaud in Muli in 2008 and Many thanks to Mrs. Tian Xiufang ( 田秀芳女士 ; in Laze: /sɯ gɤ mi /) and her family. Many thanks to our colleagues Katia Chirkova, Huang Xing, Latami Dashi, Lurong Duoding and Sun Hongkai for their help and support, and to an anonymous reviewer for helpful and encouraging comments; errors are our own responsibility. Fieldwork was funded by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (France) as part of the research project What defines Qiang-ness? Towards a phylogenetic assessment of the Southern Qiangic languages of Muli (ANR-07-JCJC-0063; acronym: PASQi).

2 1. Syllable structure and inventory of syllables Laze, like Naxi and Yongning Na, has a simple syllabic structure: (C)(G)V+T, where C is a consonant, G an on-glide, V a vowel, and T a tone. Brackets indicate optional constituents. There are neither initial clusters nor final consonants. Table 1 provides a syllabic inventory. For the sake of convenience, glides are considered as part of the rhyme: thus, there are separate columns for /æ/, /wæ/ and /jæ/. Tones are not included because in synchrony they combine freely with all syllable types. 1 The table is phonemicised: for instance, w wɤ in the cell corresponding to initial /h/ and rhyme /wɤ/ indicates that the combination /hwɤ/ is attested, and that its phonetic realisation can be approximated as [w wɤ], i.e. the consonant /h/ undergoes allophonic rounding in this context. Explanations on the phonemicisation process will be provided below (section 3). Each cell contains (i) the phonetic realisation of the syllable and (ii) at least one example in Chinese translation. A long dash ( ) indicates an unattested combination. In addition to these two clear cases (existence vs. nonexistence), there exist a few borderline cases, essentially consisting of borrowings and of syllables resulting from vowel harmony. B indicates a recent borrowing from Chinese, e.g. B in the cell corresponding to initial /f/ and rhyme /ɑ/ means that the syllable /fɑ/ is only found in recent Chinese borrowings; an example is 发, Pinyin: fā. (A description of the essentials of the Chinese dialect of Muli, the most important donor dialect from the 1950s to recent years, is provided by Li Lan 2010.) VH indicates that the combination at issue is very likely to be the result of vowel harmony: that it is only found as the first syllable within disyllables whose two syllables have the same rhyme. This important phenomenon is described in section 2 below.

3 Table 1. An inventory of the syllables of Laze. The two words glossed as ( 虚词 ) ( function words ) are the accomplished, /tjɤ /, and the mirative, /ljɤ /. 2 halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u ɔ ɯ ɤ e wɤ ɹ v jæ jɤ jɑ zero ʔɑ 家 wæ 猪 wɑ 花 ʔi 水 ʔie 打 jy 梦, ʔu, u ɣɤ 肚 wɤ 猪 ɹ 书, ʋ 肠 jɤ 奶 jɑ 袖 崽 饱 嗝坟 咱们 带 笑, 石 奶 子 儿 h xɑ 难 hæ 害 w wæ w wɑ ɕi 舌 ɕy 痔 u u 孩 xɔ 楔 xɯ 晚 w wɤ 羞 肩膀 挂 头 子 子 上 渴 f B fi 雨 fv 脑 子 v væ 左 vi 牛 vie 雪 cf zero+ v kʰ qʰɑ 露 qʰæ 沟 tɕʰi 卖 tɕʰy kʰu 坝 qʰɔ 雾 kʰɯ kʰɤ 背 kʰwɤ kʰv 烟 tɕʰɤ tɕʰɑ 礼 水 头发 狗 篓 房屋 蔬菜 物 k qɑ 遮 qæ 换 qwɑ tɕi 云 tɕie 痰 tɕy 压 ku 这 qɔ 喉 kɯ 能 kɤ 额 kwɤ kv 皮 tɕæ 湿 tɕɤ 煮 tɕɑ 蓑 痒, 舀 里 咙 头 黎明 肤 衣, 嚼 ʁ ʁɑ 垭 ʁæ 富 ʁwæ ʁwɑ ʁɔ 吞, 口 反刍 庄稼 客气 g VH VH dʑi 袋 dʑy 手 gu 妹 gɯ 弟 gɤ 上 gwɤ gv 雷 dʑæ dʑɤ 美 dʑɑ 泥 子 镯 妹 弟 下午 泥巴 巴 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u ɔ ɯ ɤ e wɤ ɹ v jæ jɤ jɑ tʰ tʰɑ 书 tʰie 聪 tʰu 牙 明 齿 ʈʰ ʈʰæ 冷 ʈʰɯ 这 ʈʰv 出 t tɑ 全 B tie ty 系 tu 哄 tɤ 茶 部 ( 退 ) 后 壶 ; 那里 ʈ ʈæ 臼 齿 tv 洞 tjɤ ( 虚词 ) ʈɯ 雾 ʈɹ 皱 ʈv 骨 髓

4 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u ɔ ɯ ɤ e wɤ ɹ v jæ jɤ jɑ d dɑ 砍 di 少 die 浅 dy 地, du 害 dɤ 围 dv 翅 户 羞 起来 膀 ɖ ɖæ 涉 ɖwæ ɖɯ 刻 ɖɹ 湖 ɖv 坟 过去 狐狸 pʰ pʰɑ 狼 pʰæ 块 pʰi 高 pʰie 蝴 pʰu 逃 pʰɤ 后 pʰv 霜 兴 蝶 跑 悔 p pɑ 洞 pi 长 pie 嘴 pu 一 pɤ 拿 B pv 祈 pjæ 一 大 堆 祷 半 b bɑ 衣 bæ 蠢 bi 门 bie 旁 bu 闪 bɔ 苍 bɤ 普 bv 臭 bjæ 腮 服 电 蝇 (VH) 米 ɬ ɬi 天 ɬie 月 ɬy 庹 ɬu 肋 花板 骨 l lɑ 手 læ 洞 lwæ ɮi 田 ɮie 茶 ɮy 果 ɮu 扛 ɭɔ 马 ɮv 含 ljɤ 叫 子 ( 虚 词 ) s sɑ 气 sæ 鞋 si 怕 sy 公 su 明 (VH) ( 马天 ) z zɑ 孩 zi 睡 zy 林 zu 孤 子 觉 儿 ʂ ʂɑ 话 ʂæ 拖 ʂwæ ʂwɑ 搅 ʂie 七 马 嚼拌 月 VH 子 ʐ ʐæ 火 ʐwæ ʐwɑ ʐy : ʐu 中 花 飘动 努力 午 sɿ 知 道 zɿ 疹 子 ʂy : ʂu 铁 ʂʅ 跳 蚤 se 凉 快 ze 儿子 ʂwɤ 盘子 ʐʅ 山 ʐwɤ 养 sv 磨 刀 zv 揉 ʂɹ 獭 水 ʂv 喝 ʐv 蛇

5 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u ɔ ɯ ɤ e wɤ ɹ v jæ jɤ jɑ ʈʂʰ ʈʂʰɑ 铧 ʈʂʰæ ʈʂʰwæ ʈʂʰu 炒 ʈʂʰʅ 掉 ʈʂʰwɤ ʈʂʰv 染 头 代 快 梳 料 ʈʂ ʈʂɑ 掷 ʈʂæ 段 ʈʂwæ 搅拌 ʈʂu 锥 ʈʂʅ 画 B ʈʂwɤ 数 ʈʂv 传染 ɖʐ ɖʐɑ 干 ɖʐæ ɖʐwæ ɖʐu 痛 ɖʐʅ 下 ɖʐwɤ ɖʐv 燃 扰 抢 挖 ( 雨 ) 抓 烧 tsʰ tsʰɑ 蚂 tsʰi 剪 tsʰy 冬 tsʰu 跳 tsʰɿ 一 tsʰe 盐 tsʰv 拣 蚁 天 张 ts tsɑ 刨 tsæ 钩 tsi 星 tsu 火 tsɿ 黏 tse 山 tsv 咳 子 (VH) 塘 嗽 dz dzɑ 跑 dzi 海 dzy 缠, 桥 m dzɿ 勒 住 dze 吃 dzv 凿 子 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u ɔ ɯ ɤ e wɤ ɹ v jæ jɤ jɑ mɑ 士兵 mæ 大竹子 mi 酥 油 n nɑ 海 ɳæ 挤 ni 嘴 压 唇 ŋ ŋɑ 我 ŋwɑ ɲi 太 膝盖 阳 mie 太阳 mu 天 (neg) mʋ 天 mjæ 眼泪 nu 你 ɳɯ 由 ɳʋ 臭 njæ 眨 眼 ɲie 霜 ɲy 火钳 ŋɯ 是 ŋɤ 跌 ŋwɤ 臼齿 njɤ 鼻 njɑ 苋米 ŋʋ 银

6 To the onsets and rhymes in Table 1 must be added some phonemes that are so restricted in their distribution that it is simpler to present them separately. These are (i) a neutral vowel, /ə/, appearing in some function words such as the negation, /mə /, and taking on its quality from the vowel that follows; and (ii) as many as nine nasal rhymes, shown in Table 2. syllable hw a hɑ hæ hṽ hũ hw ɤ hĩ hĩe example 绿豆 听锯, 金 毛走慢人站, 面包 syllable æ v ɔ halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 example 铜 呛 螳螂, 自 己, 驴 Table 2. Laze syllables containing nasal rhymes (in phonemic notation). Most syllables with nasal vowels are made up of an initial [h ] and a nasal vowel: nasality runs throughout the syllable. They can be analysed synchronically in either of two ways: as /hṽ/, where /Ṽ/ is a nasal vowel, in which case a large set of nasal vowels must be granted phonemic status; or as /h V/, recognising an additional consonant: a nasal fricative, /h /. The latter solution, adopted by Bradley 2003:224 for similar examples in Lisu, is more economical in terms of number of phonemes. These sounds originate diachronically in initial consonantal clusters CN-, where C is an obstruent and N a nasal consonant. 3 There are also three syllables without an initial /h/, consisting simply of a nasal vowel: [ʔv ], [ʔæ ] and [ʔɔ ] 4. Examples include: (i) [ʔæ ] brass (ii) [ʔv ] to irritate (e.g. smoke irritates the eye) ; Huang Bufan also reports [ʔv ] (original transcription: [ˀṽ³¹]) for goose, a word for which the language consultants in the valley of Xiangjiao now use a Chinese borrowing. (iii) [lɑ mie lɑ ʔɔ ʔɔ ] praying mantis, [ʔɔ tsɔ ] -self (in: myself, yourself), and two likely borrowings from Pumi/Prinmi, which up until the middle of the 20 th century was the lingua franca of Muli (about the history of Muli, see Wellens 2006): [tɔ bv ] donkey, ass and [nɔ bv tɕʰi ] elephant. These syllables raise an issue for phonemicisation. Those with an initial glottal stop can be interpreted phonemically as simple vowels, the phonetic glottal stop being an emptyonset filler, on the analogy of other cases such as /i/, realised as [ʔi]. Pushing further the logic of descriptive economy, in the absence of any [ʔæ] or [ʔɔ] syllables, the syllable [ʔæ ] could be interpreted as the phonetic realisation of a simple /æ/, and [ʔɔ ] as /ɔ/; but this option, which would be costly in terms of phonetic plausibility, is not open for [ʔv ], since that syllable contrasts with [v ]. We propose to analyse [ʔv ], [ʔæ ] and [ʔɔ ] as /v /, /æ / and /ɔ /, a decision which is consistent with the recognition of the phonemic nasal rhymes /æ /, /ṽ/, /w a, /ɑ /, /ũ/, /w ɤ/, /ĩ/ and /ĩe/ after /h/. 2. A note about vowel harmony and sandhi phenomena in Laze

7 Some syllables in Table 1 carry the mention VH, indicating that they are probably the result of vowel harmony. Some explanations about this phenomenon are in order. Sporadic anticipatory vowel harmony ( right-to-left harmony) is common in Laze in connected speech: for instance, /i dy / family is sometimes realised close to [y dy]. Phenomena such as vowel harmony and the voicing of intervocalic voiceless consonants are cross-linguistically common in connected speech; however, the extent to which these phonetic tendencies manifest themselves and eventually become lexicalised or even generalised as phonological rules is highly language-specific. Of the three Naish languages studied here (Laze, Na and Naxi), Naxi is least prone to the lexicalisation of such phenomena, and Laze most prone to it. 5 Vowel harmony is lexicalised in some disyllabic words, along with other processes such as the voicing of intervocalic voiceless consonants (and tone sandhi, about which see, again, Michaud 2009). A typical example is /ʂie lie mie / seventh month, from /ʂɯ / seven and /ɬie mie / month : in addition to the change in the vowel of the first syllable, note the voicing of /ɬ/ to /l/. Importantly, processes of categorical, lexicalised vowel harmony are sporadic: they are not the result of regular phonological sandhi rules. Lexicalised cases of vowel harmony are still relatively few; however, this is an important phenomenon, which in the course of language evolution has the potential for filling any of the gaps in Table Remarks on phonemicisation The phonemicisation process that led to the creation of Table 1 brought out the following facts, arranged from the most obvious to the most problematic: 3.1. The labial-dental fricatives /f/ and /v/, and the allophones of the glottal fricative /h/ The labial-dental fricative initials /f/ and /v/ are phonemic in Laze. Examples include /fi / rain, /fi tsʰi / gingiva, /fi dzi / charcoal, /fi lake ; /vi dzɯ ʈɯ / East, /vi / cow, and /vi / to owe. In front of /i/, they contrast with /h/ (realised as [ɕ]) and with the absence of any initial, e.g. /hi mie / tongue (body part), /i tsʰi / water. In Laze, the two syllables containing /f/, leaving aside Chinese borrowings, are [fi] and [fv ]; the initial [f] in the latter syllable could be treated as an allophone of /h/ (as is the case in Naxi and Yongning Na), but since this option is not open for [fi], as mentioned in the previous paragraph, initial [f] must be granted phonemic status, and [fv ] comes to be interpreted as /fv / hence the empty slot at the intersection of initial /h/ and rhyme /v /. 6 Initial [ɕ] and [h] are analysed as allophones of /h/; the situation is one of perfect complementary distribution, unlike in Naxi, where gap-filling processes have disrupted this pattern (Michaud 2006).

8 3.2. The fronting of velar stops in front of high, front rhymes Alveolo-palatal affricates /dʑ/, /tɕ/ and /tɕʰ/ are analysed as allophones of velar stops /g/, /k/ and /kʰ/ in front of high vowels or rhymes starting with a palatal on-glide. These syllables are much more fronted than in Naxi, where the allophones of velar stops in this context are palatal, not alveolo-palatal. This results phonetically in two sets of welldifferentiated initials a situation which holds a potential for systemic gap-filling, whereby velars and alveolo-palatals would cease to be in neat complementary distribution. The only example observed so far is [tɕɔ], in [wɤ mie tɕɔ ɭɔ ] cicada : this syllable can be phonemicised as /kjɔ/, postulating an otherwise unattested /-jɔ/ rhyme, or as /tɕɔ/, granting phonemic status to the alveolopalatal initial. In this case, the new syllable appears to result from vowel harmony, the /ɔ/ rhyme of [ɭɔ] being copied onto the previous syllable The palatalisation of the velar nasal in front of high, front rhymes 7 Since there exists a contrast between /n/ and /ŋ/ (the latter realised as palatal) in front of /i/, there is no obvious reason why this contrast should be neutralised in front of the other high, front rhymes, /ie/ and /y/. The combinations [ɲie] and [ɲy] are therefore analysed here as /ŋie/ and /ŋy/, on the analogy of the analysis of [ɲi] as /ŋi/, even though no contrast has been found between alveolar and (palatalised) velar nasals in front of /ie/ and /y/. At present, it is not possible to rule out entirely the possibility that some [ny] and [nie] syllables do exist, and that the words in which they appear are missing from our lists (or even that they were mistakenly bunched together with the [ɲy] and [ɲie] syllables in our transcriptions, though this is less likely) The rhyme [e] and its possible phonemic analyses The rhyme [e] is so infrequent appearing only after coronal fricatives and affricates that it could actually be said to be in complementary distribution with any of the following rhymes: /ɤ/, /wɤ/, /ɹ /, /jæ/, /jɤ/, /jɑ/, /ɔ/, /ie/, /wæ/, /wɑ/, and even /æ/. The first (/ɤ/) is a plausible choice, since the only difference between the two allophones would consist in the frontness of the allophone [e]. An indirect argument pointing to a special closeness between [ɤ] and [e] comes from the fact that the rhyme /wɤ/ is sometimes realised close to [we], but this argument is less than conclusive. Given this high degree of uncertainty, it appeared safest to let [e] appear on its own in Table The rhyme [-ɥe] The rhyme [-ɥe] appears in only two syllables: [lɥe] (more precisely [ɮɥe]), and [tɕʰɥe]. Only one example of each was observed: [lɥe ] 草木灰 ashes (of wood), and [tɕʰɥe ] 滴 classifier for drops (of liquid). The word for ashes is plausibly a borrowing from the Pumi /lyɜ/ (recall that up until the middle of the 20 th century Pumi was the lingua franca of Muli), or a borrowing from another language of the area. A similar word is found in Shuiluo Na (a dialect of Na spoken in Shuiluo township, Muli county; 2009 fieldwork data): /lɥə/, which is likewise marginal in the phonological system, and could likewise be put down to borrowing. The latter may likewise call for a special explanation, but so far we have not been able to clarify this point. The rhyme [-ɥe] could in principle be treated as an allophone of /-wɤ/; after an alveolo-palatal initial /tɕʰ/, a fronted allophone of /wɤ/ would make good phonetic sense. However, there are reasons to treat

9 this syllable as a marginal case (such as the absence of syllables with other initials of the same series: [tɕɥe] and [dʑɥe]); as a consequence, it is provisionally considered as a rhyme on its own, /ɥe/. (For reasons of space, this rhyme was not included in Table 1.) 3.6. Uvular initials and the vowel [ɔ] The contrasts between [kʰu] and [qʰɔ], [ku] and [qɔ], [gu] and [ʁɔ] could be put down to the initial, recognising a series of uvular initials that are contrastive only in front of /-u/: /kʰu/ vs. /qʰu/, /ku/ vs. /qu/, and /gu/ vs. /ʁu/. Or they could be put down to the rhyme: /kʰu/ vs. /kʰɔ/, etc. Support for the latter option comes from the fact that /ɔ/ contrasts with /u/ in another context: after /h-/. The examples are /hɔ / wedge, and /hɔ ʐɯ / watery rice gruel, 稀饭, vs. /hu / gruel, 粥. Moreover, processes of vowel harmony involving [ɔ] tend to consolidate the phonemic status of this vowel: in addition to the syllable /tɕɔ/ mentioned in (ii), there exists a syllable /bɔ/ in /bɔ ɭɔ / fly. The interpretation of [ʁ] as an allophone of /g/ would further simplify the synchronic picture: [ʁɔ] would be interpreted as /gɔ/, and [ʁɑ], [ʁæ] and [ʁwæ] as /gɑ/, /gæ/ and /gwæ/, respectively. However, the complementary distribution between [ʁ] and [g] is not complete: processes of vowel harmony have introduced the combinations [gɑ] and [gwæ], which now contrast with [ʁɑ] and [ʁwæ]. The initial [ʁ] is therefore granted phonemic status Retroflex initials Retroflex initial stops contrast with coronal stops in front of /v /: /tv / vs. /ʈv /, and /dv / vs. /ɖv /; no example of /tʰv / was observed (only examples of /ʈʰv /), but this is likely to be an accidental gap rather than a systemic one. These contrasts lead to the recognition of a series of retroflex stops. The contrast is neutralised in all other contexts. This situation is somewhat complex, but it can easily be handled in synchronic description: under a strict approach to phonemic description, in all the contexts where coronal and retroflex stops do not contrast, they can be subsumed under the same archiphoneme. The words [tʰɑ ɹ ] 书, book and [ʈʰæ ] 冷, cold would then be written as /Tʰɑ ɹ / and /Tʰæ /, where Tʰ stands for the archiphoneme covering [tʰ] and [ʈʰ]. The retroflex [ɭ] raises more difficult issues for phonemicisation. The only attested syllable containing [ɭ] is [ɭɔ] (e.g. [ɭɔ ] horse ): the retroflex initial [ɭ] is only found in this syllable. In Naxi, the syllable [ɭɔ] is phonemicised as /ɭo/: retroflex and coronal initials contrast only in front of /o/ (Michaud 2006). However, this option is not open in Laze, since this language does not have an /o/. The only back rounded vowel in Laze is /u/, and there exists a /lu/ syllable (realised close to [ɮu]); phonemicising [ɭɔ] as /ɭu/ is not entirely convincing. Alternatively, it could be phonemicised as /lɔ/; the /l/ would then have allophones ranging from [ɭ] to [ɮ] through [l]. This phonemic solution receives support from two facts: first, there are some reasons to grant phonemic status to /ɔ/, as was mentioned in (vi); second, retroflex allophones of coronal initials are found elsewhere in the system: the nasal initial /n/ is realised as retroflex [ ɳ ] in front of /æ/, /ɯ/ and /v / ([ɳæ], [ɳɯ] and [ɳv ] are phonemicised as /næ/, /nɯ/ and /nv /). 4. A brief note on Pr. Huang Bufan s notations concerning a close dialect Pr. Huang Bufan (2009) provides a similar but not entirely identical phonemic inventory

10 for another dialect of Laze, spoken in the township of Bowa ( 二区博瓦乡达瓦村 ). (i) Pr. Huang presents a nasal rhyme, /ɿ /, which is absent from our inventory. The ninth nasal rhyme is in fact the product of coalescence with a /hĩ/ syllable: the phrase the day before yesterday, 前天, transcribed by Pr. Huang as [ʂɿ ³³dʐɿ⁵³ȵi⁵³], is [ʂɯ n ɖɯ ŋi ] in our data, where the nasal tail [n ] after the first syllable can be analysed as a reduced form of /hĩ/. (ii) Pr. Huang reports a contrast between retroflex /ɖʐ/ and postalveolar /ʤ/, and between /ʈʂ/ and /ʧ/, for items all of which have retroflex initials in our data, as shown in Table 3 below. meaning Pr. Huang s transcription A. Michaud s transcription to suffer, to be ill ʤu⁵³ ɖʐu earthen wall ʤu³³bu³³ ʈʂɯ bu (cp. /ʈʂɯ / earth ) to fall (rain, hail...) ʤi⁵³ ɖʐɯ halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 Table 3. Some words transcribed with postalveolar initials by Pr. Huang. This may be a case of dialectal difference; on the other hand, Pr. Huang (p.c.) indicated that her Laze data were collected over a relatively short period of time, and as part of an extremely crowded fieldwork agenda, so that not all notations could be fully verified at the stage of phonemicisation. 5. Conclusion and perspectives for future research This article aimed to contribute both to the synchronic study of Laze and to a better understanding of its historical phonology as a member of the Naish branch of Sino- Tibetan. Laze has a relatively large phonemic inventory, with massive neutralisations of the contrasts. As is customary, synchronic statements about restricted distributions flip diachronic statements around. For instance, synchronically, the contrast between /e/ and other vowels is neutralised in all positions except TS-; diachronically, /e/ appeared in a single context: *TS-, from former *TSa. The features analysed as redundant in phonemic analysis constitute important cues to diachronic developments. While Laze is similar with Na and Naxi in many respects, including its present-day syllable structure, using Laze data in the comparison brings out a larger number of correspondences than those that exist between Na and Naxi alone; in turn, conservative languages provide useful indications for interpreting these correspondences between short forms. For instance, the initial /f/ and /v/ of Laze lead to postulate earlier consonant clusters, and evidence from conservative Sino-Tibetan languages suggests plausible hypotheses about the nature of these clusters. Our long-time project is to document the entire phonological history of the Naish languages. Ultimately, it should be possible to account for all synchronic restrictions on combinations of onsets and rhymes. There remains a long way to go; however, on a positive note, a good degree of certainty is now being reached on some parts of the system.

11 References Bradley, David (2003) Lisu. The Sino-Tibetan languages ed. by Graham Thurgood and Randy LaPolla, London: Routledge. Ferlus, Michel (1982) Spirantisation des obstruantes médiales et formation du système consonantique du vietnamien. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 11: He Jiren 和即仁 and Jiang Zhuyi 姜竹仪 (1985) Naxiyu Jianzhi 纳西语简志 (A Presentation of the Naxi Language). Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe 民族出版社. Huang Bufan 黄布凡 (2009) A Survey of Muli Shuitian 木里水田话概况 (Muli Shuitianhua Gaikuang). Journal of Sino-Tibetan Linguistics 汉藏语学报 (Hanzangyu Xuebao) Jacques, Guillaume and Alexis Michaud (2011) Approaching the Historical Phonology of Three Highly Eroded Sino-Tibetan Languages: Naxi, Na and Laze. Diachronica 28:4, Li Lan 李蓝 (2010) A Sketch of Chinese Dialect in Muli Tibetan Autonomous County in Sichuan Province ( 四川木里方言记略 ). Fangyan ( 方言 ) Martinet, André (1956) La Description phonologique avec application au parler francoprovençal d'hauteville (Savoie). Genève: Droz. Martinet, André (1980) [1960]. Eléments de linguistique générale. Paris: Armand Colin. (1981) Fricatives and spirants. Suniti Kumar Chatterji commemoration volume ed. by Bhakti Prasad Mallik, Burdwan, West Bengal, India: Burdwan University Press. (1985) Two proposals. The Study of Sounds (Onsei no Kenkyuu), Commemorative volume for the 50th anniversary of the Phonetic Society of Japan XXI Michaud, Alexis (2006) Three Extreme Cases of Neutralisation: nasality, retroflexion and liprounding in Naxi. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 35: (2008) Phonemic and Tonal Analysis of Yongning Na. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 37: (2009) The Prosodic System of Muli Shuitian (Laze) (Muli Shuitianhua Shengdiao Xitong Yanjiu 木里水田话声调系统研究 ). Minority Languages of China (Minzu Yuwen 民族语文 ) 6: Michaud, Alexis, Guillaume Jacques and Robert L. Rankin (2012) Historical Transfer of Nasality between Consonantal Onset and Vowel: from C to V or from V to C?. Diachronica 29:2, Wellens, Koen (2006) Consecrating the Premi house: Ritual, Community and the State in the Borderlands of East Tibet. Faculty of Humanities. Oslo: University of Oslo. Appendix: A short Chinese-Laze glossary, arranged semantically This short list, arranged by semantic field, is based on a subset of the first author s field notes (heretofore unpublished). Despite its shortcomings, such as the lack of proper definitions and example sentences, it appeared useful to publish it as an illustration of the analyses presented in this article. A longer list (some 2,000 items, with English and

12 Chinese glosses) was deposited with the Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus (STEDT) project in February 2011 for open access online. halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 天 mu 天空 mu tu 天地 mu dy 太阳 ŋi mie 光 ( 阳光 ) ŋi mie u 月亮 ɬie mie 星星 tsi 流星 tsi qʰæ 风 mv hæ 雨 fi 云 tɕi sɯ 雾 qʰɔ ɭɔ 彩虹 ʐɯ ʂɯ mv ʂɯ 雪 vie 雷, 霹雷 mu gv 闪电, 打闪电 bv bæ bæ 冰雹 dzy 冰雹块 dzy ly ly 露水 ɖʐɯ kʰɑ 冰 ŋi pʰv 火 mv 火花 mv ʐæ 烟 mu kʰv ( 一口 ) 气 sɑ 垭口 ʁɑ lv 山 ʐɯ tse 高山 u gu 山坡, 岗 tu bie 山脊 dʑy kʰu tu 山谷 ʐɯ tse æ tsʰɯ 山洞 læ qʰɔ 森林 sy zy 地上的小洞 pɑ tv 洞 qʰɔ 河流 ʐɯ mie 溪流 i tsʰi qʰæ lu 湖 fi 海 nɑ dzi 小型水库 ɖɹ 岸 ʐɯ mie kʰu kʰu 水坑 pɑ tv 水沟 qʰæ lu 井 i tsʰi qwæ 小堤坝 bu tu 路 læ gv 地 ( 天地的 dy 地 ) 平坝 du kʰu 平地 hæ du 田地 li 水田 dze li 石头 læ ɹ mie 粉, 粉末 zy 土 ʈʂɯ 干土 ʈʂɯ zy 尘土 pʰv hæ 泥巴 dʑɑ qʰæ 水 i tsʰi 洪水, 大水 ʐɯ y 波浪 i tsʰi tʰie sɑ sɑ 水泉, 山泉 ʐɯ qʰɔ 温泉 ʈʂʰv ʐɯ 泉水 ʐɯ qʰɔ i tsʰi 金子 hæ 银子 ŋv 黄铜 æ 白铜 æ pʰv 红铜 æ hĩ 铁 ʂu 锈 ʈʂɯ qʰæ 炭 fi dzi 盐 tsʰe 草木灰 lɥe 桥 dzy 坟墓 y ɖv 身体 ɖɯ i 头 u tu 脑子, 脑髓 u fv 太阳穴 sɯ bv 头发 u tɕʰy 辫子 ɭɔ pɑ 毛 hṽ 人身上的毛 ŋi hṽ 额头 tu kɤ 眼睫毛 mjæ tsɯ 眉毛 mie tu 眼睛 mie lv 眼 ( 单音节 ) mie 眼珠 mie lv nɑ i 眼圈骨 mie lv ʂɑ tu 眼泪 mjæ ɖʐɯ 鼻子 njɤ gɤ 鼻孔 njɤ gɤ qʰɔ 鼻涕 ŋy 耳朵 ɬie tu 耳孔 ɬie ze 耳垂 ɬie tu ʁɔ bv 耳垢 ɬie qʰæ bæ 脸 pʰv mie 腮 bjæ ɭɔ 嘴, 嘴巴, 口 ŋy qʰɔ 嘴巴 ku pie 嘴巴里面 ku pie ku lu 牙齿 fi 牙齿 fi tʰu 臼齿 + 后臼齿 ŋwɤ ʈæ mie 牙龈 fi tsʰi 舌头 ɕi mie 舌头的筋 ɕi ʐæ 小舌 ɕi ʐæ 喉咙 qɔ tsɯ 喉结 qɔ tsɯ tu ly 嘴唇 ni tɕʰɤ 颧骨 pʰv sy dzy 胡子 mv tsɯ 连鬓胡 bie nɑ 颚 tɑ ɭɔ 脖子 ʁæ sɯ pɑ 甲状腺肿瘤 æ bæ 项背 gɤ ɭɔ pɑ 肩膀 hwæ tsʰɯ 脊背 gv sɯ 肩胛骨 tsʰɯ 驼背 du qɔ 腋下 jɑ dɑ 胸膛 ŋi mjæ qʰɔ 乳房 ɑ pu 奶汁 ɳæ 月经 dzɯ hṽ tsʰɯ tsu 心脏, 性情 ŋi mie 肚子 hɑ mie 肚脐 tɕʰɤ pu 肚脐 tɕʰɤ 胆 tsi 胆汁 tsi ʐɯ 吐酸水 tɕi ʐɯ 腰 i tsɯ 屁股 qʰæ sæ pʰv mie 胯 tsʰɯ mie 尾椎骨 dzy ʈɯ 锁骨 læ ɖʐv 肌肉 ʂɯ nɑ 腿 æ tsʰɯ 大腿 bv sɑ mie 膝盖 ŋwɑ tu 膝盖骨 kɑ pʰæ 关节 tsɯ 小腿 ɖʐv bæ 胫骨 wɤ njɤ gɤ ʂɑ tu 踝关节 læ mie tsɯ tu ly 脚底 wɤ tɕʰɤ 脚跟 gv ʈʰɯ 脚背 mi gv

13 下半身 v ɖɯ ʈʂæ 上半身 gɤ ɖɯ ʈʂæ 四肢, 手脚 ʐv tsʰɯ 胳膊 lɑ pʰie 胳膊 lɑ bu lv 肘 lɑ tu 臂弯 tsæ qæ 手掌 lɑ kwɤ ɬie gv tɕi 手纹 lɑ pʰie læ gv 手背 lɑ gv 拳 lɑ kv ʈv 手腕 lɑ tsɯ 手指 lɑ ŋi 大拇指 lɑ ŋi ɑ mie 指甲 lɑ ʈʂɯ 肛门 kʰæ qʰɔ 男生殖器 ŋi tsi 皮肤 ʐɯ kv 皱纹 ʐɯ kv ʈɹ 黑痣 ɕy 疮 mi 伤口 mi pɑ pɑ 癣 lɑ li kʰwɤ 血 sɯ 血管 sɯ bv 骨头 ʂɑ tu 骨髓 tsi ʈv 脊椎骨 gv sɯ ʂɑ tu 肋骨 ɬu 肺 tsʰv 肝 si 肾 v li 胃 ɖv mie 鸡胃 læ pjæ ɭɔ 肠 v nɑ 膀胱 sɯ pv 屎 qʰæ 尿 dzi 大小便的统称 ɑ pʰu dzy 屁 kʰæ tsʰi 汗 ( 单音节 ) ʈʂv 痰 tɕie kʰæ bæ 口水, 唾 tɕi 脓 bæ 天花 tsʰɯ ʈʰv 麻疹, 疹子 bv zɯ zɯ 感冒 tsʰɑ dzɑ zu 发烧 ʈʂʰɯ 尸体 hĩ mu 生命 hĩ ɖɯ i 人 hĩ 藏族 kɑ mi 彝族 lɛæ hĩ ʂɑ 普米族 bɤ 纳西族 nɑ hĩ 自称 lɑ ze 木里县的纳人 nɑ zɯ 汉人 hæ 苗族 mjɛn.tsɯ 孩子 zɑ hu 儿童 zɑ hu tʰæ tɕi hĩ 老人 hĩ mv v hĩ 老太太 ɑ jɤ mie 妇女, 女人 mv zɯ hĩ 女人 ( 已婚 ) mv kʰɤ kʰɤ 男人 ze kʰɤ 小伙子 ze kʰɤ ze hĩ 小姐 hæ kʰwɤ mie 少爷 hæ kʰwɤ ze 妻子 mv kʰɤ 丈夫 ze kʰɤ 一户人 dy 家人 ɑ u hĩ 亲戚 ʈʂwɤ ʈʂwɤ hṽ hṽ 母亲 æ mie 母亲 ( 孩子对 æ ŋi 母亲的称呼 ) 父亲 ɑ dɑ 后妈 ɑ mie tʰæ tɕi hĩ 女儿 mv 儿子 ze 孩子们, 子女 ze mv 姨母 ( 比母亲 ɑ pɑ 大 ) 姨母 ( 比母亲 æ tɕi 小 ) 母亲的所有姐 ɑ pɑ æ tɕi 妹 姑母 æ ŋi 舅舅 舅父 æ v ( 比母亲大 ) 伯父 ɑ pɑ 叔父 ɑ bu 侄子 ze 侄女 mv 侄子侄女 ze ze mv mv 孙子 i v 孙女 i mie 孙子孙女 i v i mie 重孙, 曾孙 i pʰv 重孙女, 曾孙 i mie 女 重孙与重孙女 i pʰv i mie 哥哥 mɑ mv 弟弟 gɤ zɯ 兄弟 ( 哥哥们 ɑ i gɤ zɯ 与弟弟们 ) 姐姐 ɑ y 姐姐 tɕi tɕi 妹妹 gu mie 姐妹 ɑ y gu mie 弟弟 + 妹妹 gɤ zɯ gu mie 女婿 mæ v 媳妇, 儿媳 tsʰɯ mie 嫂子 mi tɕʰi 祖母, 奶奶 ɑ jɤ 姥姥 ɑ zɯ mie 舅舅的舅舅 æ pʰv 父子 ə dɑ ə zɯ 母亲与孩子们 æ mie se ze 父亲与母亲 ɑ dɑ æ mie 叔叔侄子 ɑ bu se ze 叔叔侄女 ɑ bu se mv 劳动人民 lu vie hĩ 士兵 mɑ mi 商人 gɤ tɕʰi v tɕʰi hĩ 医生 tsʰɯ fi vie 寨首 ʁæ zɯ hĩ 贵族, 奴隶主 sɯ pʰie 木匠 si gv hĩ 编竹子的工匠 mæ dɑ hĩ hĩ 铁匠 ʂu lɑ hĩ hĩ 打铁 ʂu lɑ 喇嘛 lɑ mɑ 尼姑 mv kʰɤ dɑ pɤ 达巴, 巫 dɑ pɤ 乞丐 dze mie hĩ 强盗 kʰv mæ 病人 hĩ ɖʐu hĩ 朋友, 伙伴 tɕʰy mie 瞎子 mjæ ʁæ 跛子 bu ɖv hĩ 聋子 ɬie bu 秃子 wɤ ly ly 傻瓜 zy bæ 疯子 v ɭɔ 结巴 ɕi ʈʰæ

14 主人 dɑ pu 客人 hĩ ʁɔ 寡妇 u mie ʈʂʰv hĩ 孤儿 zu ʈʂʰv 稀饭 hɔ ʐɯ 饭 ( 米饭 ) ʈʂʰæ pʰv dze 粥 hu 面粉 zy 浆糊, 浆子 hu 馒头 mi hiẽ 肉 ʂɯ 熟肉 ʂɯ lɑ mi 生肉 ʂɯ dʑy dʑy hĩ 瘦肉 ʂɯ nɑ 肥肉 ʂɯ pʰv 牲畜前腿的肉 lɑ sɑ 牲畜后腿的肉 ʂɯ sɑ pʰv mie 猪的肚皮的内 ɑ ʈʂv 层肉猪胸股上的肉 ɭɔ bi 猪尾部划出来 wɤ mi tsv tʰie dy hĩ 的膘猪身躯带骨头 wɤ ɬu 的肉把猪的骨头装 bu kʰɯ tɕʰɤ tu 在大肠里把瘦肉装在肠 v ɬie 子里把猪腿的皮剥 wæ tsʰɯ lɑ lv hĩ 下来, 缝成筒形, 塞满瘦肉猪皮 wɤ ʐɯ kv 猪油 kæ mi 酥油 mi 油 mi ɹ 蛋 lɛæ mjæ ʁɔ 蛋黄 ljæ mjæ ʁɔ qɔ ʂɯ 蛋白 ljæ mjæ ʁɔ ku pʰv 汤 ʐɯ ŋi 酒 ʐɯ 黄酒 pie mv 醋 tɕy hĩ 开水 i tsʰi tsʰɯ ʈʰv 茶 lie 糖 dʑy ʐɯ 烟 jɤ 药 tsʰɯ fi 丸 小球 tu ly 饭 dze 猪食 wɤ dze 马料 ɭɔ ly 线 ʈʂʰæ 布 fi ʈʂɯ 丝绸 ʈʂɯ ze 衣服 bɑ lɑ 蓑衣 tɕɑ ɭɔ 上衣, 衣服 bɤ ze 衣领 ʁæ hṽ 袖子 jɑ qʰɔ 扣子 bu ly 裤子 ɬie kʰwɤ 头帕 lɑ ʈʂʰv 帽子 ʈv ʈv 斗笠 u mu 梳子 ( 粗 ) ʈʂv mie 氆氇 ʈʰɯ li 羊毛裙子 hṽ ʂu kʰwɤ 裙子 ʂu kʰwɤ 裹腿 tsʰɯ tʰu 鞋垫 sæ hæ ʈʰæ 鞋, 鞋子 sæ hæ 耳环 ɬie kʰv 戒指 lɑ ʈʰɯ 手镯 lɑ dʑy 珠, 珠子 qʰɔ ze 席子 tɕɤ gɤ 毯子 tɕɤ hu 宝贵的毯子 ʐv dzɯ 垫子 qʰɔ ɭɔ 枕头 u gu 褥子 ʐæ mie 被子 tɕy hu 蚊帐 tʰɑ ɹ lɑ ʈʂɯ hĩ 木头 si 木板, 木板子 si pʰæ 家, 家庭 y ɖv 房屋 y kʰwɤ 家 ɑ u 座位 dzy læ 菜园 u tɕʰɤ li 圈, 牲畜圈 bi 土墙 ʈʂɯ bu 城 lu wɤ jy kʰwɤ 城 ɖʐɯ 城里 市上 ɖʐu lu 村寨, 村子 ɖɯ bie, ɖɯ fv ɖɯ bie 街 wɤ bie 石墙 lu wɤ 窗户 dɑ kʰu 柱子 ʐæ mie 梁 gu ly ɬie gv tie 门 kʰu bi 门 kʰu 门槛 kʰu tɑ 梯子 dzy ʈʰv 天花板 kwɤ ɬi 石头台阶 læ mie dzʏ 粮仓 gu 打场 hæ du 篱笆 qʰɔ tɑ 商品 no 东西 tɕɑ sɯ 桌子 ʂɑ læ 凳子 qʰɔ 床 qɔ 箱子 sɯ gv 扫帚 hwɤ ʈʂu 火绒 ( 把小麻 tsɑ ʁɔ 皮捶绒 ) 火镰 tse mie 火把 mv tɕʰy 香 sy dy 染料 ʈʂʰv ʐɯ 锅 v mie 锅的盖子 u hu 蒸笼 dze bv 刀 kwɑ tɑ mie 菜板, 俎 tsɯ ʈæ 把子 qɔ 勺子 瓢 bi ze 调羹 bi ze tʰɑ tɕi hĩ 大调羹 bi ze 碗 kʰwɤ 盘子 ʂwɤ pʰie 木盘子 si kʰwɤ 筷子 ɖʐɯ ʂɯ 瓶子 dʑɤ 坛子, 罐子 pi ze ( 陶器 ) 茶壶 tɤ ɹ 大水桶 tɕɑ tɑ 过去用杯水的 si pu tɑ 背篓 桶 zy mie

15 木盆 si tse lu 脸盆 pʰv mie tsʰɯ lu 三脚架 ʂu tsʰi 火塘 kwɑ lu 厨房 tsu kwɤ 火钳 mu ŋy 风箱 mv mi tsu 用来背小孩的 zɑ hu pɑ dzi 带子 背带 dzi 称 sɑ 钱 ɖʐɯ 价钱 tɕɤ hĩ 工资, 工钱 ʁɑ pʰv 马鞍 tɕi qʰɔ 马笼头 u y 马肚带 bie ɤ 马嚼子 kwɑ ʂwæ 马槽 wɤ gv 挽具, 后鞧 mæ kv 缰绳 ɭɔ dzi 打马的鞭子, mæ ɖʐv 马鞭 驮架 li mi 牛鼻绳 njɤ gɤ dzi 斧头 lv mie 锯 ʂwɑ dɑ 针 u 锥 锥子 ʈʂu 凿子 dzv 木锤子 dɑ ʈv 连枷 ku y 铁钉 ʂu qʰɔ 钩子 tsæ qæ 剪刀 tsɯ tie 锁 tsɑ kwɑ 钥匙 tse ɕi 犁头 ɭɔ gv 铧头, 犁铧 ʈʂʰɑ 耙 ɖʐwɤ 牛轭 ( 单行 ) ʁæ hwɑ 牛皮绳, 犁具 dzɯ dzɯ 连轭之绳 锄头 tsy qɔ 挖锄 bæ wɤ 楔子 hɔ 绳子 dzi 背篓 kʰɤ 袋子 dʑi kɯ 肥料, 粪 kʰæ 臼 [ 坨坨 ] ʈʂu mu 杵 [ 捶捶 ] lu ɖɯ 碓 mu ʈʂu 小筛子 mu tʰɑ tɕi hĩ 筛子 2 bɤ kʰɯ 筛子 4 i ʈʂɯ 筛子 5 mu ɑ pɑ dzɯ hĩ 簸箕 ( 簸粮食 mu 用 ) 手磨 tɕy ly 水磨 i tsʰi tɕy ly 水槽 i tsʰi wɤ gv 织布机 ɹ dɑ 拐棍 mi ʈʰv 镰刀 hũ gv 刀鞘 y 枪 mv ɬie 准星 ɬie gv tie 装火药的皮带 ku ly 枪把 qɔ 弩弓 tɑ nɑ 弓 ɬie 箭 ʁɔ bv 陷阱 pɑ tv 毒 ɖv 字 tʰɑ ɹ 记号 hæ ty 纹路 læ gv 话 ʂɑ væ 故事 ʈʂʰæ 舞蹈 tsʰu 旗子 tsi 声音 qʰɔ 鼓 dɑ kʰɤ 钹 bv tsʰɯ 笛子 ʈʂʰu ly 胡琴 ʐwæ mæ dɑ qɔ 铃铛 tɕy bu 牛角 ( 用来当 bu qʰɔ 长号角 ) 神, 菩萨 gɑ lɑ 鬼 ŋi 灵魂, 魂魄 ʁɔ ɬie 运气 ʈʂʰɑ u 力气 ʁɑ zi 胆量 ŋi mie dzɯ 礼物 tɕʰɑ ɭɔ 名字 hĩ 有区别 tʰɑ nie nie mə ŋɯ 一样, 没有区 tʰɑ nie nie 别 渣滓 dzɯ mæ 影子 dɑ ʐv 梦 y mu kʰwɤ 东方 vi dzy ʈɯ 西方 y dzy ʈɯ 南方 i ʈʂʰɯ mie 北方 kʰɯ dzy ʈɯ 旁边 bie ku 左边 væ tɑ 右边 i tɑ 前面 u dɑ 后面 gwɤ tu 外面 ɑ pʰv 里面 ku lu 周围 kʰu kʰu lie lie 地界 tʰu lɑ tsʰi 上面 gɤ ʈɯ 上面 gɤ bv 下面 v ʈʰæ 中间 ɖæ mie 顶上 ʁɔ bv 上半身 gɤ ɖɯ ɖæ 下半身 v ɖɯ ʈʂæ 时候 ɖɯ mɤ mi 一夜 ɖɯ hiẽ 一天 ɖɯ ŋi 初一 lɑ tsʰi ɖɯ ŋi 初二 lɑ tsʰi ŋi ŋi 初三 lɑ tsʰi su ŋi 初十 lɑ tsʰi tsʰi ŋi 十一日 tsʰi ɖɯ ŋi 十五日 tsʰi ŋwɤ ŋi 十六日 tsʰi qʰɔ ŋi 三十日 su tsʰi ŋi 今天 tsʰi ŋi 昨天 æ ŋi 前天 ʂɯ n ɖɯ ŋi 前几天 ə ŋi ʂɯ ŋi 明天 mi su 后天 u su 大后天 u ɖɯ su 四天以后 u ŋi su 今晚 tsʰi hɯ 明晚 su hɯ 昨晚 ɑ hɯ

16 早晨 dɑ nɑ 黎明 pʰv kwɤ 今天早上 tsʰi ʂu 早点 dɑ nɑ dze dze 白天 mie lie gv 中午饭 中午 ʐu, ʐu tu 吃中午饭 ʐu dze 下午 ʐu dze gwɤ 晚上 mi kʰɯ 晚饭 mi kʰɯ dze 吃晚饭 mi kʰɯ dze dze 黄昏, 暮 nɑ pʰv tsʰɑ wɤ 夜里 sy qɔ tsy 年 kʰv 今年 tsʰɯ vie 去年 æ vie 前年 ʂɯ vie 三年以前 ʂɯ ɖɯ vie 明年 su vie 后年 u vie 鼠年 hwɤ kʰv 牛年 vi kʰv 虎年 lɑ kʰv 兔年 tʰu lie kʰv 龙年 mu gv kʰv 蛇年 ʐv kʰv 马年 ɭɔ kʰv 羊年 y kʰv 猴年 zy kʰv 鸡年 læ kʰv 狗年 kʰɯ kʰv 猪年 wɤ kʰv 过年 kʰv ʂɯ 月 ɬie 上半月 ɬie pʰɤ 正月 ɖɯ lie mie 二月 ŋi lie mie 三月 su lie mie 四月 ʐv lie mie 五月 ŋwɤ lie mie 六月 qʰɔ lie mie 七月 ʂie lie mie 八月 ɕi lie mie 九月 gv lie mie 十月 tsʰi lie mie 十一月 tsʰi ɖɯ lie mie 十二月 tsʰi ŋi lie mie 古时候, 传说 æ vie ʂɯ vie 古代 从前 ɑ ʂɯ 以前 u dɑ 近来 ɑ mu 近来 ɑ ŋi tsʰɯ ŋi 后 ( 后去 ) gwɤ tu 今后 kʰu tʰu 夏天 春夏 mu ʐu bie 冬天 mu tsʰy bie 婚姻 tsʰɯ mie kʰv 1 ɖɯ gv 2 ŋi gv 3 su gv 4 ʐv gv 5 ŋwɤ gv 6 qʰɔ gv 7 ʂɯ gv 8 ɕi gv 9 gv gv 10 tsʰi gv 11 tsʰi ɖɯ gv 12 tsʰi ŋi gv 13 tsʰi su gv 14 tsʰi ʐv gv 15 tsʰi ŋwɤ gv 16 tsʰi qʰɔ gv 17 tsʰi ʂɯ gv 18 tsʰi ɕi gv 19 tsʰi gv gv 20 ŋi tsi gv 30 su tsʰi gv 40 ʐv tsʰi gv 50 ŋwɤ tsʰi gv 60 qʰɔ tsʰi gv 70 ʂɯ tsʰi gv 80 ɕi tsʰi gv 90 gv tsʰi gv 百 ɖɯ ɕi gv 千 ɖɯ ʈv gv 万 tsʰi ʈv 一半 ɖɯ ɖæ 一条绳子 ɖɯ ʈʂʰæ, ɖɯ kɤ 一根 ( 线 ) ɖɯ ʈʂʰæ 一棵树 ɖɯ dzi 一根 ( 竹子 ) ɖɯ tu 一根棍子 ɖɯ kɤ 个 ( 一个人 ) ɖɯ i 一只鸡 ɖɯ pʰɤ 一群 一队 ɖɯ hwɤ 一把刀 ɖɯ nɑ 一粒 ( 米 ) ɖɯ li 一个碗 ɖɯ kʰæ 一件衣服 ɖɯ lv 一包 一卷 ɖɯ tu 一筐 ɖɯ kʰɤ 一捧 ɖɯ kwɑ 驮子 ɖɯ tu ly 一串 ɖɯ kwɤ 一滴 ɖɯ tɕʰɥe 一滴水 ɖɯ tɕʰɥe 一瓶 ɖɯ dʑɤ 升 ɖɯ ʈɯ 一斤 ɖɯ sɑ 一两 ɖɯ y 一堆 ( 比如 : ɖɯ pu 一堆粮食 ) 一块 ɖɯ pʰæ 一对 ɖɯ dze 一双鞋 ɖɯ dze 一只 ɖɯ pʰɤ 一段 ɖɯ ʈʂæ 一庹 [ 一排 ] ɖɯ ɬy 一拃 ( 大拇指 ɖɯ tɕy 和食指之间的 距离 拇指与 食指平伸量物 之长 ) 一拃 ( 大拇指 tɕy ze 和中指之间的 距离 ) 一架牛 ɖɯ pʰɤ 一张 ɖɯ tsʰɯ 一元 ɖɯ mæ 一亩 ɖɯ pʰæ 一辈子 ɖɯ ʈʂʰæ 一步 ɖɯ ʈʰv 一次 ɖɯ dʑy ( 吃的 ) 一口 ɖɯ ʈʰæ 经常 dɔ ɭɔ 转回 lɑ i 又, 再 ɑ mɑ ɖɯ dʑy 天天晚上 ɖɯ hiẽ ɖɯ hiẽ 每天 ɖɯ ŋi ɖɯ ŋi 整天 bv tsʰɯ ŋi 全部, 一切 ɖɯ tɑ 都 所有 ɑ hwɤ 自己 ɔ tsɔ 这个 ( 近指 ) u ʈʰɯ 这个 ( 近指 ) tɕʰɤ ʈʰɯ

17 那个 ( 远指 ) u ʈʰɯ 这里 tɕʰɤ ku 那里 tɤ ku 谁 kʰɑ si 什么 ɑ tsu 怎么样 ɑ ŋie vie i? 哪里 jɤ ku 什么时候 kʰɑ tʰɑ 多少 kʰɑ jɤ 几个 kʰɑ i 粗 ( 树粗大 ) ɑ pɤ bu hĩ 细 ( 树 ) tʰɑ tɕʰy hĩ 高 ɑ pɑ hu 低 tʰɑ ɬy hĩ 长 hæ hĩ 短 ɖæ 远 læ qʰɔ 近 læ ŋy 宽 ( 布, 纸 ) ɑ pɑ dzɯ 窄 tʰɑ tɕi 宽敞 ɑ pɤ hwɤ 挤 ( 房子 ) kɯ kɯ 厚 ɑ pɤ lu 薄 tʰɑ bie 浅 ( 水浅 ) die 深 ( 水深 ) hɑ 过于, 太 ko y 多 dzi 多 ɑ pɤ jɤ 少 ɖɯ mu 少 di hĩ 一些 ɖɯ bæ 圆形 ( 球 ) gwɤ die læ hĩ 秃 bv 皱 ( 衣服 ) ʈɹ 准 wɤ 不对 mə wɤ 歪, 偏 ( 帽 lɑ tɑ 子 ) 横 ( 横躺 ) ɖæ ɖæ læ 竖 ʈv ʈv læ 直 ( 站直 ) ʈv ʈv læ 伸直 ʈv 弯 lɑ gv 颜色 ʈʂʰv ʐɯ 黑 ( 颜色 ) nɑ 黑 ( 颜色 ) nɑ ʈʂʰæ læ 白 ( 脸 衣 pʰv 服 ) 白 ( 脸 衣 pʰv tɕæ læ 服 ) 白 ( 头发 ) u tɕʰy pʰv hĩ 红 wæ sɯ ŋie hĩ 黄 ʂɯ qɔ læ 绿 ( 布 ) zɯ hw ɑ ŋie hĩ 灰 pʰu du læ hĩ 灰 pʰv hæ læ hĩ 暗, 黑 ( 天 ) nɑ fv fv 花的 ( 蛋 fi ʈʂɯ hwɑ hwɑ l 鸟 ) ɑ lɑ hĩ 重 ʐɯ 轻 pʰɑ lɑ 快 ( 动作 ) ʈʂʰwæ 快 lɑ kwɤ 迟 hw ɤ 慢 æ ze ( 起得 ) 早 ʈʂʰwæ 尖 u tɕy læ 锋利 tʰɑ 清 ( 水 ) ʂwɤ ʂwɤ hĩ 浑浊 ( 水 ) ʐɯ ɖwæ 干燥 læ fv 湿 tɕæ læ 浸泡 ( 如 : 浸 tʰie ʈɯ 种子 ) 稠 ( 粥 ) 黏 mɑ fv mɤ mie ( 比较干 ) 稀 ( 粥, 汤 ) hæ 结实 ʈʂʰɑ ʈʂʰɑ 硬, 坚硬 u 紧 tsi 松 mə tsi 松起来 tɑ 软, 柔软 mv ɳæ 黏 ( 胶 ) tʰie tsɯ 光滑 ( 路 ) kæ 生 dʑy dʑy 熟 mi 新 ʂɯ tsɑ 陈旧 tsu zi 好 dʑɤ 好 ( 心好 ) nu 稳重 谨慎 ʈʂʰɑ ʈʂʰɑ 坏 mə dʑɤ 贵 pʰv dzɯ 便宜 pʰv y 年老 mv v 年轻 pʰæ tɕi 温暖, 暖和 ly 冷 ( 天气..) ɖʐu 冷 ( 水 ) ʈʰæ 难作 lu hɑ 辛苦 ʈʰɯ 容易, 容易做 lu ʂɯ 轻松 pʰɑ lɑ 香 ( 气味 ) su 香 ( 气味 ) y 香 ( 吃得香 ) su 臭 bv ɳv 腐烂 lɑ bv 酸 tɕy 甜 tsʰi 苦 kʰɑ 咸 tsʰe su 太咸 tsʰe kʰɑ 食物变味, 人 tsɯ bv ɳv 虚弱 瘦腻 ( 食物 ) ɖv 饿 ( 饭 ) dze mi 馋 tɕɤ 需要 ŋi 申请, 要 mie 讨饭 dze mie 感谢 ʁɑ mie 饱 ŋɯ 休息, 松懈 hĩe 忙 ŋi tsʰi 事务繁忙 lu dzi 富 læ ʁæ 穷 mə dʑy 很穷 dʑy ɖʐɯ 干净 ʂwɤ ʂwɤ 脏 mə ʂu 乱 ʁæ mæ zɯ 痛, 病 ( 生 ɖʐu 病 ) 觉得不舒服 mə tsʰe 肿, 膨胀, ʈʂɯ ( 肚子 ) 胀着凉 tsʰɑ dzɑ zu 干扰 防碍 ɬie ɖʐɑ 好 ( 技巧好 ) vie ɖʐwɤ 勤快 hɯ 聪明 tʰie 傻 笨 蠢 bæ 狡猾 tɕɤ 一条心, 想得 ɖɯ i

18 一致 和气 和睦 wɤ ʈɯ 安静 hĩ kʰɑ mɤ tsʰe 装做 tɕɤ vie kʰæ vie 骄傲, 自以为 ɖæ ʂv 好 凶恶 mɑ nu 爱破坏 wæ kʰæ hĩ 客气 / 害羞 hĩ ʁɔ vie 吝啬 lɑ ʈʂʰv 大方 ɑ pɤ jɤ ku 贪心不足, 贪 se tɕʰy 吃 懒 mə hɯ 多嘴 ɕi mie dzi 笨拙 mə ʈʂʰæ ʈʂʰæ 努力 ʐwɑ vie 不幸 ( 人 ) mɑ dɑ 高兴 起劲 læ pʰi 幸福, 安逸 tsʰe 喜欢, 爱 pʰi 爱, 关心 mɑ dɑ 讨厌 dzv 生气 gv ɖʐɯ 高兴, 心情好 se se 好玩 ( 人 ) tsʰe ʈɯ 安宁 dɑ 悲哀, 伤心 mə tsʰe 孤单 hĩ ʈɯ 陡峭 ( 山 ) tu bie 安装 ʈv 搬土 ɖɯ 薅锄 锄草 lwæ 挖 ɖʐwæ 耙 tsɑ 扫 væ 拔 扯 ( 草 ) pv 获, 割草 zɯ tsʰɯ 压扁 ɳæ 弄扁不弄开 tɑ pie læ ( 竹子 ) 摆整齐 使均 bɤ bɤ læ 匀 排列整齐 ʈɯ 举 抬起 gɤ tsʰi 上驮子 gɤ tsʰi 抬 ( 几个人一 gɤ tsʰi 起 ) 背柴 pɑ 背水 i tsʰi pɑ 背孩子 zɑ hu pɑ 扛 lu 驮运 tsi 帮助 kɑ kɑ 包 tʰu 瞒着别人 nɑ nɑ 刨 tsɑ 比 tʰɑ tʰɑ nie nie 量 læ 放置 tʰie ʈɯ 提前准备好 tɕɤ tɕɤ 修理 gv 宰牲畜 kʰɑ 重新做 li tie vie 还东西 tʰie lɑ ku 唱 gwɤ 称 sɑ 完成 lɑ se 吃 dze 拍 ( 拍桌子 ) tʰie ʈɯ 咬 ʈʰæ 嚼 tɕɑ qɔ 吃草 ʁwæ 舔 jɤ 含在嘴里 lv 吞 ʁɔ 呕吐 pʰie 小便, 解溲 dzi hæ 拉屎 kʰæ hæ 拉肚子 qʰæ ʂwæ 打喷嚏 ɑ ʈʰɯ 打嗝儿 hɯ ʈv 打饱嗝儿 ie pʰv 吐 ( 吐口水 ) tɕi tsʰɯ 喝 ʂv 吸吮 tsʰi tsʰi 抽烟 jɤ ʂv 串珠 sɯ 穿针 u sɯ 穿孔 qʰɔ ʈʰv 插 戳 ʈʂʰu 刺痛 pu 扎 ( 针... 扎 ) gv 一代, 一世 ɖɯ ʈʂʰæ 传染 ʈʂv 出来, 刮 ʈʰv ( 风 ) 下 ( 雪 ) vie sɑ 下 ( 雨 ) fi ɖʐɯ 下 ( 冰雹 ) dzy lɑ 有 ( 露水 ) ɖʐv kʰɑ lɑ 发生 ( 打雷 ) mu gv gv 吹 ( 灰 ) mi 缠线 dzy dzy 钓鱼 ŋi ze lɑ 赶, 打猎 dzi, hã dzi 打散, 驱赶, qʰæ li hɯ kʰɯ 撵 牵 ( 牵牛 ) kʰɯ ʂæ 散开 pʰɑ 打开 ( 如 : 开 lɑ tsʰi 门 ) 张开手心 kʰæ kʰæ 闭 ʈæ 关 ( 羊 ) ʈæ 锁门 tse 闭嘴 tʰie mu 眨眼 njæ mæ 闭眼 mjɤ lv 穿 ( 衣服 ) hṽ 脱 ( 脱衣服 ) pʰv 佩带 pɤ 戴手镯 pɤ 戴帽子 ʈv 挡住 qʰɔ 等候 tʰie hiẽ 地震 dy ɖʐɯ ɖʐɯ ; 摇 ɖʐɯ ɖʐɯ 摇 ɖʐɯ 凋谢 lɑ kʰɯ 上吊自杀, 缢 ʁæ tsɯ 冻 lɑ ʈɹ 爬行, 匍匐 dy 翻身 tʰu tɕy 翻过来翻过去 zi tɕy pʰv 滚 ( 石头滚 ) gu bv ly 使滚 lɑ pʰu 躲藏 tʰie ɳæ 藏 tʰie ʈʂʰwæ 藏 ( 一个小的 tʰie mv 东西 ) 动 li li 堵塞 dzv 棍子断 lɑ qʰæ 碎 qʰɔ

19 破 碎 ( 碗, qʰɔ 罐子 ) 损坏 wæ ʁæ 撕 ( 撕纸 ) ʂwɤ 拆 ( 线 ) ʂwɤ 拆 qʰæ 拆 wæ qʰæ 生长 kɤ pi 长大 gɤ kwɤ 发抖, 颤抖 tɕʰy tɕʰy 发烧 ʈʂʰɯ 为别人担心 ŋi mjæ hũ 发芽 ( 树 ) hw ɑ pɤ i tjɤ 发芽 ( 种子 ) y 开花 væ 告状 tɕɤ ʐwɤ 惩罚 u dy 掺和 tʰie tsʰi 放牧 ɖʐɯ dze lv 飞 dʑy 盘旋 qʰæ qʰæ 分东西 zy zy 逢 ʐv 孵 zy 符合 ɖɯ 上街 wɤ bie bi 敢 ŋwɤ 做, 工作 vie 劳动 lu vie 给 传 ku 喂动物 dze ku 撒 ( 种子 ) pʰɑ 使钩住 mi 钩住, 悬挂 hwɑ 够 lv 为别人打工 hĩ kʰɤ kɑ lu vie 管理庄稼 li ɭɔ 管庄稼 li ʈʂʰɯ 管理 ɑ u ʁæ zɯ 灌溉 li ʂɯ 害羞 hæ du 害怕 si 吓 ɖʐv 后悔 pʰɤ 画 写 ʈʂɯ 刻 ɖɯ 怀孕一个孩子 zɑ hu pɤ 交换 qæ qæ 变 ( 蛹变蛾 ) tɕɤ ʂɑ væ 换 qæ, qæ qæ 飘动 li li ʐwæ ʐwæ 挥动 tɕi tɕi 来 i 毁灭 tʰu tsʰɯ 使混合 ʈʂwæ ʈʂwæ 搀 ʐæ ʐæ 搀 ʂwæ ʂwæ 和泥 dʑæ kʰæ ʐæ 累积 kɯ kɯ 记得 ŋi mie qʰɔ gv tsʰi 寄存 ʈɯ 寄信 服送 qʰɔ pɤ 妒忌 gv ɖʐɯ 停止 læ hĩẽ 剪 tsʰi 砍 ( 树 ) dɑ 劈 剖 qʰɔ 剁肉, 宰 dɑ 切 hæ 断 ( 线 ) ʈʂʰɯ 马叫 lwæ 狗吠 lv 老虎叫 lwæ 名字叫 hĩ 结很多果子 ly dy 结果子 lɑ dy ŋɑ 婚姻 ʐɯ ʂv 向别人借 ŋi 借给别人 tsʰv, ʈʂʰu tsʰv 欠钱 vi 递过去 ɖɯ pɤ hũ 居住 dzy 聚集 lɑ ly ly 蜷缩 zy 观看 ɭɔ 看 看望 ɭɔ bi 听 hã 听见 mv 嗅 læ mi 闻到 bu ɳv 呼吸 sɑ se 烤火取暖 mv kwɤ 站 ( 站立 ) hĩẽ 跪下 mɑ ku tʰie tsʰy 跪下磕头 ( 叩 ɭɔ pv ɖɯ 头 ) 咳嗽 tsv 渴 hwɤ 困倦 tsʰe 拉 ( 向前拉 ) ʈæ 拖 gwæ ʂæ 推 mie 按 ( 用手 ) ɳæ 挤压 tɕy 靠 tʰu 留下 tʰie dzv ʈɯ! 遗漏 mv 忘记 læ mv 绑, 捆 tsʰi 绑 tsɯ tsɯ 系 ty 勒住 dzɯ dzɯ 漏水 mɑ ʁæ 滤 tsɯ 弄乱 wæ qʰæ 驱逐 qʰæ pɤ hũ! 埋 ŋy 买 ʐɯ 卖 tɕʰi 生意 gɤ tɕʰi v tɕʰi 抿嘴巴 tsʰi tsʰi 触碰 gv 磨刀 sv 拧 ( 拧毛巾 ) ʁæ ʂv 搓 ( 搓绳子 ) zy 缠线 dzy dzy 爬, 上山 gɤ du 爬, 上山 dy dy 打 ( 如 : 脱 ɖɯ 粒 ) 敲门 tɑ tɑ 打 ( 人, 钉 ) lɑ 排队 ɖɯ læ vie 跑 dzɑ 碰撞 pʰje 泼水 ɕy 欺负 dʑy ɭɔ mɑ hã 欺骗 qæ 垒起来 ɹ 砌墙 ʈʂɯ bu 骑马 dzɯ 起 ( 起床 ) gɤ ʈɯ 打招呼 jɤ ku kʰu ə jæ?

20 染 ʈʂʰv 热饭 tsi 必须 ɭə 会 kɯ 能, 能够 ɖʐwɤ 扔 lɑ 甩 du 掷 ( 掷石头 ) ʈʂɑ tsʰi 散了 pʰv 解开, 解绳结 ʈʂʰɯ 杀 kʰɑ 筛 ly 射中 zy 伸 ( 伸手 ) v ʈʂʰɯ 生锈 ʈʂɯ qʰæ n dze 生孩子 zɑ hu dʑy 失踪 tʰu tsʰɯ 撑开 ( 帐篷 ) qʰæ qʰæ 收拾 弄整齐 ʂu ʂu 梳 ʈʂʰwɤ 梳 si si 败 输 mə tɕʰɤ 用手剥 ʂɯ 剥皮 ʂɯ 削 ʂɯ 煮熟 tɕɤ 煮了一会 ɖɯ mɤ mi tɕɤ 烧开 tɕɤ 煨熟 tsi 蒸熟 bv 炒 ( 肉 菜 ) hĩ 炒 ( 肉 菜 ) ʈʂʰu 干炒 ( 麦子 ) hĩ hĩ 揉面 zv 搅拌 ʂwɑ 尝试 体会 ɖɯ ɭɔ bi 经过烘干 læ fv kʰɯ 弄碎 ( 用牙 tɕy ly tɕy 齿 手磨 ) 在磨房里磨 tɕy 点灯 ʈʂv 烧 ɖʐv 烧焦 qʰæ 烧火 tsʰi 熏 hwɑ 一起摔交 zi zi 甩来甩去 ʂwɤ lie u 睡觉 zi 睡着 zi mv zi 讲 ʐwɤ 商量 谈天 ʂɑ væ 讲故事 u 问 mv du 读 ŋi tsi 批评 ɖæ 骂 u dy 逃, 逃跑 pʰu 踢一脚 tsɑ 踩 ʈʰv 剔, 刮 si si 满 ʂɹ 挑选 si 跳舞 tsʰu 往后仰 jɤ ŋɤ 弄弯 tsɑ qæ kʰɯ 退后 tie se 洗衣服 tsʰɯ 冲水 ɕy 下蛋 ʁɔ ʁɔ 相信 mu gɯ 醒 ʈʂv 学 su 教 su 写 ʈʂɯ 知道 sɯ 传闻 ɳɔ 懂 mv 寻找 ʂɯ 抠痒 kwɑ 阉割 læ mie gv 养 ( 动物 ) ʐwɤ 溢出来 qʰɔ 送行 pv 漂浮 tɕy 跨 ( 跨小沟 ) ʁɑ 遇见 ʁɔ pv 盖, 覆盖 hu 遮 ( 云遮月 ) kɑ 挡住去路 kɑ 包起来 ʂu ʂu, lɑ ʂu 遮蔽 hu 使火炉灭了 ŋy 灭, 熄 kʰɯ 振动 ɖʐɯ 震动 ɖʐɯ ɖʐɯ 点头 u tu gv gv 抢 ɖʐæ 争夺 ɖʐæ ɖʐæ 吵架 ɖæ ɖæ 偷 kʰv 催别人把东西 tɑ 交出来织 dɑ 编 ( 竹子 ) mæ dɑ 指 gv 种 ʈv 抓 ɖʐwɤ 啄 kʰv 醉 ʁæ 坐 / 住 dzy 做梦 y mu kʰwɤ 暗 ( 房子 ) nɑ fv fv 天阴 mu nɑ 瘦 ( 人瘦 ) ʂɯ dzɑ 瘦 ( 肉 ) ʂɯ nɑ 肥 ( 肥肉 ) ʂɯ pʰv 胖 ʂɯ dy 干燥 fv 可爱 ɑ li 丑陋 ɑ mɤ li 辣 tsɯ 活 sv 死 ( 人 ) sɯ 死 kʰɤ 合适 ɖɯ 擦 ʈʂʰv, ʈʂʰv ʈʂʰv 揉 zv 呛 ṽ 塌毁, 倒塌 dʑɤ 错 犯错误 qæ 舀水 qwɑ 守卫 ʈʂʰɯ 带孩子 qæ 带路 læ ʁɔ ʂv 骨折 qʰæ 倒 qʰæ 掉下 ʈʂʰɯ 掉入 沉下去 ʈʂʰɯ 摔倒, 跌倒 tʰie ɖɯ ( 路很滑 ) 立起来 tʰie dzy kʰɯ 到达 ʈʰv 得到 ɹ 丢失, 遗失 tʰu tsʰɯ 捉 ( 捉鸡 ) zi 握 ( 握刀把 ) tsʰv

21 拣, 拾, 取 lɑ tsʰv 捡起来, 拾 ku 摘 ʈʂʰɯ 拿过来 y 赠送 pɤ 哄 tu tu 抱起小孩子 tu, tu tu 亲吻 bu bu 铺 ( 铺床 ) kʰu 去 bi 去 bɤ 去 ( 过去式 ) hɯ 走路 se 散步 gɑ lɔ v lɔ bi 走 ( 离开 ) hũ 喊 ( 大声叫 ) ku 笑 ɹ 玩笑 ɑ ʐɯ ʂɑ væ 逗弄 ( 话 ) ze kʰwɤ vie 玩, 玩耍 ɑ ʐɯ 玩具 ɑ ʐɯ tsu 哭 ŋv 过去 ( 时间 ) gv 数 ʈʂwɤ ʈʂwɤ 跳 tsʰu 过河 ɖæ 贴 ʐu ʐu 想 ʂɹ ɖɯ 愿意 lwæ 请 lwæ 接 ʈʂv, ʈʂv ʈʂv 游泳 漂浮 ɖʐv, ʐɯ ɖʐv 有 dʑy 没有 mə dʑy 大 ɑ pɑ dzɯ 小 tɕi 交配 ( 动物 ) lv 鸟 u i 鸡 læ 公鸡 læ pʰv 母鸡 læ mie 鸭子 bæ mie 雉 tʰu y 雉 ʈʂʰɑ mv ʈʂʰɑ ʈʂʰɑ 雉, 鹇 kɤ pi 啄木鸟 tʰu bie tʰu tɑ tɑ 鹤 ʁɔ 雁 mu ze hæ ze 枭 bu lu fv 老鹰 kɑ nɑ mie " 小鹰 " ʈʂwɤ lɑ ʈʂɯ 乌鸦 lɑ ʁæ 喜雀 læ se 鹟 ( 鶲 ) ɖʐwɤ mie 鹦鹉 ɑ qæ 羽毛 hṽ 翅膀 dv tsʰɯ 龙 ʐv bæ 蝙蝠 dʑy wɤ 虫 dzi hĩ 蜈蚣 ʈv ɕi 蚊子 i tsɯ 跳蚤 kʰɯ ʂɯ 虱子 ʂɯ mie 虮子 ʂɯ ʂɯ ʁɔ 臭虫 qɔ ʂɯ 象鼻虫 bv ʈʂʰæ 毛虫 sɑ dɑ bv tsʰv 瓢虫 dzi hĩ ʁæ tsɯ læ hĩ 四脚蛇 zɑ mɤ bv 蚂蟥, 水蛭 i tsʰi dzɯ hĩ 马蜂 ( 黄蜂 ) dzv 蚯蚓 njɤ gɤ dzi hĩ 蚂蚁 tsʰɑ ʐv 蚂蚁巢 tsʰɑ ʐv qʰɔ 蜜蜂 dʑy 蜂蜜 dʑy ʐɯ 蜂窝 dʑy gu 蛆 mu kʰv lv 苍蝇 bɔ ɭɔ 大苍蝇 fv mie kʰæ 蝉 wɤ mie tɕɔ ɭɔ 蜘蛛 bɑ lɑ mie 大蜘蛛 bɑ lɑ mie ɑ pɑ dz ɯ hĩ 蜘蛛网 bɑ lɑ mie kʰɯ 蜗牛, 螺蛳 njɤ kɤ sy 蜣螂 [ 牛屎虫 粪虫 ] wɤ mie kʰæ hĩ tu ly 蝴蝶 pʰie lie 螳螂 lɑ mie lɑ õ õ 蝗虫 ŋi bv kwɑ tɑ mie 小的树支虫 si dze dze hĩ 象 nɔ bv tɕʰi 猪 wɤ 母猪 wɤ mie 种公猪 wɤ sy 猪崽野猪马公马母马骟马马驹子马鹿鹿母鹿狗母狗流浪的狗看门狗旱獭熊熊胆猫公猫母猫山羊公山羊麝香山羊羔绵羊公绵羊母绵羊绵羊羔羊毛岩羊 [ 青羊 ] 狐狸青蛙蝌蚪鱼兔子蛇蛇的蜕皮壁虎水獭野兽的洞鸟窝, 鸟巢骡子獐子麂子猴子老虎豹子狼牛 wæ bv wɤ ʈɯ ɭɔ ɭɔ sy ɭɔ mie ɭɔ ʁɔ ɭɔ zɑ hu ʈʂʰæ ʈʂʰæ bv ʈʂʰæ mie kʰɯ kʰɯ mie ʈʂʰã lɑ ɑ u kʰɯ dzi hwɤ u u tsi hwɤ lie hwɤ lie bv hwɤ lie mie tsʰɯ tsʰɯ bv lie hu tsʰɯ tʰu y y bv y mie y zɑ hu tsʰɯ hṽ se ɖwæ mie pɤ mie pɤ dʑy ly ŋi ze tʰu lie ʐv bæ kv qæ lie dɑ ʂɹ qʰɔ kʰɯ dɑ u lie tsʰi y lɑ ʐæ pʰɑ vi

22 公牛 vi sy 水牛 væ 牦牛 / 野牦牛 bv 驴子 tõ bv 野驴子 i bæ 藏羚 se 牲畜 ɖʐɯ dze 野猫 ɭɔ mie 松鼠, 灰鼠 hwæ ʐɯ 老鼠 = 耗子 hwɤ 黄鼠狼, 黄喉 u pʰv 貂 尖鼠 鼩鼱 ɭɔ tɕy hwɤ ŋy qʰɔ 飞鼠 ŋi ze 刺猬 pv 马鬃 ɭɔ bv bv 蹄子 kʰwɤ bie 奶牛的乳房 vi ɑ pu 犄角 qʰɔ 爪子 lɑ ʈʂɯ 大蒜 fv 菌子 ( 蘑菇 ) mu ʈʂʰwɤ 果核 tɕy 水果 si u ɑ li 桃子 tsʰɯ kv tɑ 梨子 si ʐv 柿子 sɯ bv 大麦 mi dze 青稞 ʈʂʰv zɯ 甜荞, 荞麦, jɑ ɖʐɯ 花荞 苦荞 jɑ kʰɑ 稻子 dze sv 米 tɕʰi 米饭 ʈʂʰæ pʰv dze 玉米 包谷 kʰɑ dze 燕麦 mv zɯ 莜麦 ʂɯ 苋米 njɑ lɑ mɑ 糠 tsʰi 麦麸 pʰɑ dɑ 麦秸 zɯ 麦芒 mie 小麦 dze 火麻 sɑ ɑ 大麻 sɑ 蔬菜 u tɕʰɤ 萝卜 ly bi 南瓜 tse hĩ gwɤ 黄瓜 ʈv hwɤ 土豆 ( 马铃 jɑ y 薯, 洋芋 ) 树 si dzi 松树 tʰu si 松明 qʰɔ qʰɔ 落叶松 tʰu bɤ 柳树, 杨柳 ʐv si 柏树 sv 大竹子 mæ 竹子 tsʰɯ ʈʂv 竹子 mæ tʰæ tɕi hĩ 甘蔗 kʰɑ dze pu ʐv 黄豆 ŋy 豆花 ŋy hu 豌豆 dɑ tsʰv 豌豆干草 dɑ tsʰv zɯ 花椒 dʑy 野花椒 dʑy bv 庄稼 kʰv ʁwɑ 庄稼 ( 未收 ) ʁɔ bie 藤子 ŋy bæ 辣椒 læ tsɯ 四川桦树, 白 mu kɤ 桦树 核桃 u du 荨麻 [ 和麻 ] ŋi ʈʂʰɯ 血满草 [ 臭草 ] jɑ bv jɑ tsɯ tsɯ [ 酸酸草 ] hwɤ tɕy 大蒜的根 fv u tu 酸菜, 如 : 芜 tɕy læ 菁叶子 根 si ɑ tsʰɯ 树枝 mæ dy 树枝 si kɑ lɑ 树干 si dzi 液, 汁 ʐɯ, si ʐɯ 松香 tʰu ʁæ 麦苗 dzɯ i 种子 læ 叶子 tɕʰɤ 刺 tɕʰi tu 花 væ 花 ɑ li wɑ 草 zɯ 玉米包 ɖɯ ʈʰv 杉树果 si li 豆类的粗糠 ŋy tsɑ 秕, 喂牛 树墩 树桩 si pɤ ʈv 树瘤 tsɯ tu ly 茎 zɯ ɖʐv 我 ŋɑ 你 nu 他 ʈʰɯ 咱们 u mɤ 我们 ŋɑ mɤ 你们 nu mɤ 他们 ( 对平 ʈʰɯ kʰɤ 辈 ) 你们俩 nu dzi 不 mə 是 ( 这是什 ŋɯ 么 ) 这样, 这么 u nie 越 更 lɑ hɑ 凉山木里县 mu li 木里县项脚 hw ɑ dʑy 1 In Laze, there are three lexical tones for nouns: High, Mid and Low, and four for verbs (including stative verbs): again, High, Mid and Low, and Mid-to-High, the latter consisting of a sequence of two tonal levels (see Michaud 2009 for an analysis of this tone system). 2 Throughout the article, tones are indicated by means of Chao tone-letters: for H(igh), for M(id), for L(ow), for MH.

23 3 See Michaud 2006 for Naxi, Michaud 2008 for Yongning Na, and Michaud et al for a crosslinguistic study. 4 Pr. Huang also noted /wæ / for to shout, to cry out (of pigs) ; in the dialect described here, this word is halshs , version 2-24 Jul 2012 realised as /lwæ /. 5 For instance, the form /bɑ hɑ / pig swill, from /bu / pig and /hɑ / food, is reported by He Jiren and Jiang Zhuyi 1985 and confirmed by He Jiren (p.c. 2002) for his own native dialect: Yangxi 漾西 ; however, other dialects of the Lijiang plain retain the form /bu hɑ /, without vowel harmony. 6 From a comparative point of view, some of the words with initial /f/ or /v/ in Laze correspond to stopinitial words in Naxi and Na (see Jacques et al for details). A look at comparanda in conservative languages suggests that the fricatives in the Laze words result from spirantisation: pre-initials can be reconstructed for the Proto-Naish stage. In Laze, these pre-initials caused a lenition of the following stop a phenomenon akin to that observed in Vietnamese, where medial consonants were spirantised (Ferlus 1982; about the term spirants, see Martinet 1981, 1985). 7 Note that the symbol /ɲ/ for a palatal nasal, used here in accordance with the International Phonetic Alphabet, is strictly equivalent with the symbol /ȵ/ which is more commonly used in the People s Republic of China.