The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list

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1 The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list Alexis Michaud, Guillaume Jacques To cite this version: Alexis Michaud, Guillaume Jacques. The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list. Yuyanxue Luncong, 2012, 45, pp <halshs v2> HAL Id: halshs Submitted on 24 Jul 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

2 This is a preprint version. Reference of published version: Michaud, Alexis, and Guillaume Jacques The Phonology of Laze: Phonemic Analysis, Syllabic Inventory, and a Short Word List. Yuyanxue Luncong 语言学论 (45): The phonology of Laze: phonemic analysis, syllabic inventory, and a short word list * Alexis Michaud ( 米锯锯 ) Guillaume Jacques ( 柏霖 ) Abstract: Laze is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in the county of Muli, in Sichuan, by a population of less than 1,000. The article proposes a synchronic account of Laze phonology, supplemented by a list of about 1,400 words in the Appendix. A phonemic analysis is proposed, with an inventory of syllables that brings to light the synchronic distributional properties of Laze onsets and rhymes properties that are crucial to ongoing research into the historical phonology of the subgroup of Sino-Tibetan to which Laze belongs. Keywords: Muli Shuitian; Laze; phonemic analysis; word list; syllabic inventory 木 水 话 拉热话 音系 析 : 音 纳 音节 点 提要 : 木 水 话 拉热话 是四 凉山 木 县的一种语言, 使 人 到一千人 本文是对拉热话音系的共时 析, 附录一个 1,400 词 的词汇表 通过音 析表 个 纳 具, 以看出拉热话声母 韵母的 特 些特 对拉热话 纳西语 纳语等纳语组语言的历 研 较 要的意 词 : 木 水 话, 拉热话, 音 纳, 词汇表, 音节 析表 0. Introduction This article focuses on Laze (autonym: /lɑ ze /; referred to in China as Muli Shuitian 木 水 话 or Lare 拉热话 ), as spoken in Xiangjiao township, Muli prefecture, Sichuan, China ( 四 凉山 木 县项脚乡 ). Laze has fewer than 300 proficient speakers, and is little documented; see Huang Bufan 2009 for an introduction to a neighbouring dialect. The first author of this article conducted fieldwork on Laze in 2008 and The article provides a synchronic analysis of Laze; a Chinese-Laze word list is provided in the Appendix. A phonemic analysis is proposed, with a discussion of issues encountered in phonemicisation, and an inventory of syllables that brings to light the synchronic distributional properties of Laze onsets and rhymes properties that are crucial to ongoing research into the historical phonology of the subgroup of Sino-Tibetan to which Laze belongs: see Jacques and Michaud The phonemic system of Laze is analysed here following the classical methods developed in the Prague school of phonology, as set out, for instance, by Martinet (1956, 1980 [1960]:61-82). * The Laze data were collected by Alexis Michaud in Muli in 2008 and Many thanks to Mrs. Tian Xiufang ( 秀芳 士 ; in Laze: /s g mi /) and her family. Many thanks to our colleagues Katia Chirkova, Huang Xing, Latami Dashi, Lurong Duoding and Sun Hongkai for their help and support, and to an anonymous reviewer for helpful and encouraging comments; errors are our own responsibility. Fieldwork was funded by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (France) as part of the research project What defines Qiang-ness? Towards a phylogenetic assessment of the Southern Qiangic languages of Muli (ANR-07-JCJC-0063; acronym: PASQi).

3 1. Syllable structure and inventory of syllables Laze, like Naxi and Yongning Na, has a simple syllabic structure: (C)(G)V+T, where C is a consonant, G an on-glide, V a vowel, and T a tone. Brackets indicate optional constituents. There are neither initial clusters nor final consonants. Table 1 provides a syllabic inventory. For the sake of convenience, glides are considered as part of the rhyme: thus, there are separate columns for /æ/, /wæ/ and /jæ/. Tones are not included because in synchrony they combine freely with all syllable types. The table is phonemicised: for instance, w w in the cell corresponding to initial /h/ and rhyme /w/ indicates that the combination /hw/ is attested, and that its phonetic realisation can be approximated as [w w], i.e. the consonant /h/ undergoes allophonic rounding in this context. Explanations on the phonemicisation process will be provided below (section 3). Each cell contains (i) the phonetic realisation of the syllable and (ii) at least one example in Chinese translation. A long dash ( ) indicates an unattested combination. In addition to these two clear cases (existence vs. nonexistence), there exist a few borderline cases, essentially consisting of borrowings and of syllables resulting from vowel harmony. B indicates a recent borrowing from Chinese, e.g. B in the cell corresponding to initial /f/ and rhyme /ɑ/ means that the syllable /fɑ/ is only found in recent Chinese borrowings; an example is 发, Pinyin: fā. (A description of the essentials of the Chinese dialect of Muli, the most important donor dialect from the 1950s to recent years, is provided by Li Lan 2010.) VH indicates that the combination at issue is very likely to be the result of vowel harmony: that it is only found as the first syllable within disyllables whose two syllables have the same rhyme. This important phenomenon is described in section 2 below.

4 Table 1. An inventory of the syllables of Laze. The two words glossed as 虚词 ( function words ) are the accomplished, /tj /, and the mirative, /lj /. ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u e w ɹ v jæ j jɑ zero ʔɑ 家 wæ 崽 wɑ 花 ʔi 水 ʔie jy 梦, 饱嗝坟儿 ʔu, u 咱们 带 w ɹ 书, 笑, 石 ʋ j 奶 奶 h xɑ 难 hæ 害 w wæ w wɑ i 舌 y 痔 u u 孩 x 楔 x 晚 w w 羞 肩 挂 头 子 子 渴 f B fi 雨 fv 子 v væ vi 牛 vie 雪 cf zero+ jɑ 袖子 v kʰ qʰɑ 露 qʰæ 沟 tʰi tʰy kʰu 坝 qʰ 雾 kʰ kʰ 背 kʰw kʰv 烟 tʰ tʰɑ 礼 水 头发 狗 篓 屋 蔬菜 物 k qɑ 遮 qæ qwɑ ti 云 tie 痰 ty ku q k 能 k kw kv 皮 tæ 湿 t 煮 tɑ 蓑 痒, 舀 咙 头 衣, 嚼 ɑ 垭 æ 富 wæ wɑ, 刍 庄 客气 g VH VH di 袋 dy 手 gu 妹 g g gw gv 雷 dæ d 美 dɑ 泥 子 妹 泥巴 巴 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u e w ɹ v jæ j jɑ tʰ tʰɑ 书 tʰie 聪 tʰu 牙 齿 ʈʰ ʈʰæ 冷 ʈʰ ʈʰv 出 t tɑ 全部 ʈ ʈæ 臼 齿 B tie ( ) ty 系 tu 哄 t 茶 tv 洞 tj 壶 ; 那 虚 词 ʈ 雾 ʈɹ 皱 ʈv 骨 髓

5 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u e w ɹ v jæ j jɑ d dɑ di 少 die dy 地, du 害 d 围 dv 翅 户 羞 来 æ 涉 wæ 刻 ɹ 湖 v 坟 过去 狐狸 pʰ pʰɑ 狼 pʰæ 块 pʰi 高 pʰie 蝴 pʰu pʰ pʰv 霜 蝶 跑 悔 p pɑ 洞 pi 长 pie 嘴 pu 一 p B pv 祈 pjæ 一 大 堆 祷 半 b bɑ 衣 bæ 蠢 bi 门 bie 旁 bu 闪 b 苍 b 普 bv 臭 bjæ 腮 服 电 蝇 (VH) 米 i 天 ie y 庹 u 花板 骨 l lɑ 手 læ 洞 lwæ i ie 茶 y u 扛 马 v 含 lj 子 虚 词 s sɑ 气 sæ 鞋 si 怕 sy su (VH) 马 z zɑ 孩 zi 睡 zy 林 zu 孤 子 觉 儿 ɑ 话 æ 拖 wæ wɑ 搅 ie 七 马 嚼 VH 子 æ 火 wæ wɑ y: u 中 花 飘动 努力 sɿ 知 道 zɿ 疹 子 y: u 铁 ʅ 跳 se 凉快 ze 儿子 w 子 ʅ 山 w 养 sv 磨 zv 揉 ɹ 獭 水 v v

6 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u e w ɹ v jæ j jɑ ʈʰ ʈʰɑ 铧 ʈʰæ ʈʰwæ ʈʰu 炒 ʈʰʅ 掉 ʈʰw ʈʰv 头 代 快 梳 料 ʈ ʈɑ 掷 ʈæ 段 ʈwæ 搅 ʈu ʈʅ 画 B ʈw 数 ʈv 传 ɑ æ wæ u 痛 ʅ w v 燃 抢 挖 ( 雨 ) 抓 烧 tsʰ tsʰɑ tsʰi 剪 tsʰy 冬 tsʰu 跳 ts tsɑ tsæ 钩 子 (VH) tsi 星 tsu 火 塘 dz dzɑ 跑 dzi dzy m 缠, tsʰɿ 一 tsʰe 盐 tsʰv 拣 tsɿ tse 山 tsv 咳 嗽 dzɿ 勒 dze 吃 dzv 子 ɑ æ wæ wɑ i ie y u e w ɹ v jæ j jɑ mɑ 士 mæ 大竹子 mi 酥 油 n nɑ æ ni 嘴 唇 ŋ ŋɑ ŋwɑ i 膝 mie mu (neg) mʋ mjæ 眼泪 nu 你 ʋ 臭 njæ 眨 眼 ie 霜 y 火钳 ŋ 是 ŋ 跌 ŋw 臼齿 nj 鼻 njɑ 苋米 ŋʋ 银

7 To the onsets and rhymes in Table 1 must be added some phonemes that are so restricted in their distribution that it is simpler to present them separately. These are (i) a neutral vowel, /ə/, appearing in some function words such as the negation, /mə /, and taking on its quality from the vowel that follows; and (ii) as many as nine nasal rhymes, shown in Table 2. syllable hw a hɑ hæ h hũ hw hĩ hĩe example 绿豆 听, 金 毛走慢人站, 面包 syllable æ v example 呛 螳螂, 自, 驴 Table 2. Laze syllables containing nasal rhymes (in phonemic notation). Most syllables with nasal vowels are made up of an initial [h ] and a nasal vowel: nasality runs throughout the syllable. They can be analysed synchronically in either of two ways: as /h/, where // is a nasal vowel, in which case a large set of nasal vowels must be granted phonemic status; or as /h V/, recognising an additional consonant: a nasal fricative, /h /. The latter solution, adopted by Bradley 2003:224 for similar examples in Lisu, is more economical in terms of number of phonemes. These sounds originate diachronically in initial consonantal clusters CN-, where C is an obstruent and N a nasal consonant. There are also three syllables without an initial /h/, consisting simply of a nasal vowel: [ʔv ], [ʔæ ] and [ʔ ]. Examples include: (i) [ʔæ ] brass (ii) [ʔv ] to irritate (e.g. smoke irritates the eye) ; Huang Bufan also reports [ʔv ] (original transcription: [ˀ³¹]) for goose, a word for which the language consultants in the valley of Xiangjiao now use a Chinese borrowing. (iii) [lɑ mie lɑ ʔ ʔ ] praying mantis, [ʔ ts ] -self (in: myself, yourself), and two likely borrowings from Pumi/Prinmi, which up until the middle of the 20 th century was the lingua franca of Muli (about the history of Muli, see Wellens 2006): [t bv ] donkey, ass and [n bv tʰi ] elephant. These syllables raise an issue for phonemicisation. Those with an initial glottal stop can be interpreted phonemically as simple vowels, the phonetic glottal stop being an emptyonset filler, on the analogy of other cases such as /i/, realised as [ʔi]. Pushing further the logic of descriptive economy, in the absence of any [ʔæ] or [ʔ] syllables, the syllable [ʔæ ] could be interpreted as the phonetic realisation of a simple /æ/, and [ʔ ] as //; but this option, which would be costly in terms of phonetic plausibility, is not open for [ʔv ], since that syllable contrasts with [v]. We propose to analyse [ʔv ], [ʔæ ] and [ʔ ] as /v /, /æ / and / /, a decision which is consistent with the recognition of the phonemic nasal rhymes /æ /, //, /w a, /ɑ /, /ũ/, /w /, /ĩ/ and /ĩe/ after /h/. 2. A note about vowel harmony and sandhi phenomena in Laze

8 Some syllables in Table 1 carry the mention VH, indicating that they are probably the result of vowel harmony. Some explanations about this phenomenon are in order. Sporadic anticipatory vowel harmony ( right-to-left harmony) is common in Laze in connected speech: for instance, /i dy / family is sometimes realised close to [y dy]. Phenomena such as vowel harmony and the voicing of intervocalic voiceless consonants are cross-linguistically common in connected speech; however, the extent to which these phonetic tendencies manifest themselves and eventually become lexicalised or even generalised as phonological rules is highly language-specific. Of the three Naish languages studied here (Laze, Na and Naxi), Naxi is least prone to the lexicalisation of such phenomena, and Laze most prone to it. Vowel harmony is lexicalised in some disyllabic words, along with other processes such as the voicing of intervocalic voiceless consonants (and tone sandhi, about which see, again, Michaud 2009). A typical example is /ie lie mie / seventh month, from / / seven and /ie mie / month : in addition to the change in the vowel of the first syllable, note the voicing of // to /l/. Importantly, processes of categorical, lexicalised vowel harmony are sporadic: they are not the result of regular phonological sandhi rules. Lexicalised cases of vowel harmony are still relatively few; however, this is an important phenomenon, which in the course of language evolution has the potential for filling any of the gaps in Table Remarks on phonemicisation The phonemicisation process that led to the creation of Table 1 brought out the following facts, arranged from the most obvious to the most problematic: 3.1. The labial-dental fricatives /f/ and /v/, and the allophones of the glottal fricative /h/ The labial-dental fricative initials /f/ and /v/ are phonemic in Laze. Examples include /i / rain, /i tsʰi / gingiva, /i dzi / charcoal, /i lake ; /vi dz ʈ / East, /vi / cow, and /vi / to owe. In front of /i/, they contrast with /h/ (realised as []) and with the absence of any initial, e.g. /hi mie / tongue (body part), /i tsʰi / water. In Laze, the two syllables containing /f/, leaving aside Chinese borrowings, are [fi] and [fv]; the initial [f] in the latter syllable could be treated as an allophone of /h/ (as is the case in Naxi and Yongning Na), but since this option is not open for [fi], as mentioned in the previous paragraph, initial [f] must be granted phonemic status, and [fv] comes to be interpreted as /fv/ hence the empty slot at the intersection of initial /h/ and rhyme /v/. Initial [] and [h] are analysed as allophones of /h/; the situation is one of perfect complementary distribution, unlike in Naxi, where gap-filling processes have disrupted this pattern (Michaud 2006).

9 3.2. The fronting of velar stops in front of high, front rhymes Alveolo-palatal affricates /d/, /t/ and /tʰ/ are analysed as allophones of velar stops /g/, /k/ and /kʰ/ in front of high vowels or rhymes starting with a palatal on-glide. These syllables are much more fronted than in Naxi, where the allophones of velar stops in this context are palatal, not alveolo-palatal. This results phonetically in two sets of welldifferentiated initials a situation which holds a potential for systemic gap-filling, whereby velars and alveolo-palatals would cease to be in neat complementary distribution. The only example observed so far is [t], in [w mie t ] cicada : this syllable can be phonemicised as /kj/, postulating an otherwise unattested /-j/ rhyme, or as /t/, granting phonemic status to the alveolopalatal initial. In this case, the new syllable appears to result from vowel harmony, the // rhyme of [] being copied onto the previous syllable The palatalisation of the velar nasal in front of high, front rhymes Since there exists a contrast between /n/ and /ŋ/ (the latter realised as palatal) in front of /i/, there is no obvious reason why this contrast should be neutralised in front of the other high, front rhymes, /ie/ and /y/. The combinations [ie] and [y] are therefore analysed here as /ŋie/ and /ŋy/, on the analogy of the analysis of [i] as /ŋi/, even though no contrast has been found between alveolar and (palatalised) velar nasals in front of /ie/ and /y/. At present, it is not possible to rule out entirely the possibility that some [ny] and [nie] syllables do exist, and that the words in which they appear are missing from our lists (or even that they were mistakenly bunched together with the [y] and [ie] syllables in our transcriptions, though this is less likely) The rhyme [e] and its possible phonemic analyses The rhyme [e] is so infrequent appearing only after coronal fricatives and affricates that it could actually be said to be in complementary distribution with any of the following rhymes: //, /w/, /ɹ /, /jæ/, /j/, /jɑ/, //, /ie/, /wæ/, /wɑ/, and even /æ/. The first (//) is a plausible choice, since the only difference between the two allophones would consist in the frontness of the allophone [e]. An indirect argument pointing to a special closeness between [ɤ] and [e] comes from the fact that the rhyme /w/ is sometimes realised close to [we], but this argument is less than conclusive. Given this high degree of uncertainty, it appeared safest to let [e] appear on its own in Table The rhyme [-ɥe] The rhyme [-ɥe] appears in only two syllables: [lɥe] (more precisely [ɥe]), and [tʰɥe]. Only one example of each was observed: [lɥe ] 草木 ashes (of wood), and [tʰɥe ] 滴 classifier for drops (of liquid). The word for ashes is plausibly a borrowing from the Pumi /ly/ (recall that up until the middle of the 20 th century Pumi was the lingua franca of Muli), or a borrowing from another language of the area. A similar word is found in Shuiluo Na (a dialect of Na spoken in Shuiluo township, Muli county; 2009 fieldwork data): /lɥə/, which is likewise marginal in the phonological system, and could likewise be put down to borrowing. The latter may likewise call for a special explanation, but so far we have not been able to clarify this point. The rhyme [-ɥe] could in principle be treated as an allophone of /-w/; after an alveolo-palatal initial /tʰ/, a fronted allophone of /wɤ/ would make good phonetic sense. However, there are reasons to treat

10 this syllable as a marginal case (such as the absence of syllables with other initials of the same series: [tɥe] and [dɥe]); as a consequence, it is provisionally considered as a rhyme on its own, /ɥe/. (For reasons of space, this rhyme was not included in Table 1.) 3.6. Uvular initials and the vowel [] The contrasts between [kʰu] and [qʰ], [ku] and [q], [gu] and [] could be put down to the initial, recognising a series of uvular initials that are contrastive only in front of /-u/: /kʰu/ vs. /qʰu/, /ku/ vs. /qu/, and /gu/ vs. /u/. Or they could be put down to the rhyme: /kʰu/ vs. /kʰ/, etc. Support for the latter option comes from the fact that // contrasts with /u/ in another context: after /h-/. The examples are /h / wedge, and /h / watery rice gruel, 稀饭, vs. /hu / gruel, 粥. Moreover, processes of vowel harmony involving [] tend to consolidate the phonemic status of this vowel: in addition to the syllable /t/ mentioned in (ii), there exists a syllable /b/ in /b / fly. The interpretation of [] as an allophone of /g/ would further simplify the synchronic picture: [] would be interpreted as /g/, and [ɑ], [æ] and [wæ] as /g 劲 /, /gæ/ and /gwæ/, respectively. However, the complementary distribution between [ʁ] and [g] is not complete: processes of vowel harmony have introduced the combinations [g 劲 ] and [gwæ], which now contrast with [ɑ] and [wæ]. The initial [] is therefore granted phonemic status Retroflex initials Retroflex initial stops contrast with coronal stops in front of /v/: /tv/ vs. /ʈv /, and /dv / vs. /v /; no example of /tʰv / was observed (only examples of /ʈʰv /), but this is likely to be an accidental gap rather than a systemic one. These contrasts lead to the recognition of a series of retroflex stops. The contrast is neutralised in all other contexts. This situation is somewhat complex, but it can easily be handled in synchronic description: under a strict approach to phonemic description, in all the contexts where coronal and retroflex stops do not contrast, they can be subsumed under the same archiphoneme. The words [tʰɑ ɹ ] 书, book and [ʈʰæ ] 冷, cold would then be written as /Tʰɑ ɹ / and /Tʰæ /, where Tʰ stands for the archiphoneme covering [tʰ] and [ʈʰ]. The retroflex [ɭ] raises more difficult issues for phonemicisation. The only attested syllable containing [ɭ] is [] (e.g. [ ] horse ): the retroflex initial [ɭ] is only found in this syllable. In Naxi, the syllable [] is phonemicised as /ɭo/: retroflex and coronal initials contrast only in front of /o/ (Michaud 2006). However, this option is not open in Laze, since this language does not have an /o/. The only back rounded vowel in Laze is /u/, and there exists a /lu/ syllable (realised close to [u]); phonemicising [] as /u/ is not entirely convincing. Alternatively, it could be phonemicised as /l/; the /l/ would then have allophones ranging from [ɭ] to [] through [l]. This phonemic solution receives support from two facts: first, there are some reasons to grant phonemic status to //, as was mentioned in (vi); second, retroflex allophones of coronal initials are found elsewhere in the system: the nasal initial /n/ is realised as retroflex [ ] in front of /æ/, // and /v / ([æ], [] and [v ] are phonemicised as /næ/, /n/ and /nv /). 4. A brief note on Pr. Huang Bufan s notations concerning a close dialect Pr. Huang Bufan (2009) provides a similar but not entirely identical phonemic inventory

11 for another dialect of Laze, spoken in the township of Bowa ( 博瓦乡达瓦村 ). (i) Pr. Huang presents a nasal rhyme, /ɿ /, which is absent from our inventory. The ninth nasal rhyme is in fact the product of coalescence with a /hĩ/ syllable: the phrase the day before yesterday, 前, transcribed by Pr. Huang as [ɿ ³³dɿ⁵³ȵi⁵³], is [ n ŋi ] in our data, where the nasal tail [n] after the first syllable can be analysed as a reduced form of /hĩ/. (ii) Pr. Huang reports a contrast between retroflex // and postalveolar /ʤ/, and between /ʈ/ and /ʧ/, for items all of which have retroflex initials in our data, as shown in Table 3 below. meaning Pr. Huang s transcription A. Michaud s transcription to suffer, to be ill ʤu⁵³ u earthen wall ʤu³³bu³³ ʈ bu (cp. /ʈ / earth ) to fall (rain, hail...) ʤi⁵³ Table 3. Some words transcribed with postalveolar initials by Pr. Huang. This may be a case of dialectal difference; on the other hand, Pr. Huang (p.c.) indicated that her Laze data were collected over a relatively short period of time, and as part of an extremely crowded fieldwork agenda, so that not all notations could be fully verified at the stage of phonemicisation. 5. Conclusion and perspectives for future research This article aimed to contribute both to the synchronic study of Laze and to a better understanding of its historical phonology as a member of the Naish branch of Sino- Tibetan. Laze has a relatively large phonemic inventory, with massive neutralisations of the contrasts. As is customary, synchronic statements about restricted distributions flip diachronic statements around. For instance, synchronically, the contrast between /e/ and other vowels is neutralised in all positions except TS-; diachronically, /e/ appeared in a single context: *TS-, from former *TSa. The features analysed as redundant in phonemic analysis constitute important cues to diachronic developments. While Laze is similar with Na and Naxi in many respects, including its present-day syllable structure, using Laze data in the comparison brings out a larger number of correspondences than those that exist between Na and Naxi alone; in turn, conservative languages provide useful indications for interpreting these correspondences between short forms. For instance, the initial /f/ and /v/ of Laze lead to postulate earlier consonant clusters, and evidence from conservative Sino-Tibetan languages suggests plausible hypotheses about the nature of these clusters. Our long-time project is to document the entire phonological history of the Naish languages. Ultimately, it should be possible to account for all synchronic restrictions on combinations of onsets and rhymes. There remains a long way to go; however, on a positive note, a good degree of certainty is now being reached on some parts of the system.

12 References Bradley, David (2003) Lisu. The Sino-Tibetan languages ed. by Graham Thurgood and Randy LaPolla, London: Routledge. Ferlus, Michel (1982) Spirantisation des obstruantes médiales et formation du système consonantique du vietnamien. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 11: He Jiren 和即 and Jiang Zhuyi 姜竹仪 (1985) Naxiyu Jianzhi 纳西语简 (A Presentation of the Naxi Language). Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe 民族出版社. Huang Bufan 黄 (2009) A Survey of Muli Shuitian 木 水 话概况 (Muli Shuitianhua Gaikuang). Journal of Sino-Tibetan Linguistics 汉藏语学报 (Hanzangyu Xuebao) Jacques, Guillaume and Alexis Michaud (2011) Approaching the Historical Phonology of Three Highly Eroded Sino-Tibetan Languages: Naxi, Na and Laze. Diachronica 28:4, Li Lan 李蓝 (2010) A Sketch of Chinese Dialect in Muli Tibetan Autonomous County in Sichuan Province ( 四 木 方言记略 ). Fangyan ( 方言 ) Martinet, André (1956) La Description phonologique avec application au parler francoprovençal d'hauteville (Savoie). Genève: Droz. Martinet, André (1980) [1960]. Eléments de linguistique générale. Paris: Armand Colin. (1981) Fricatives and spirants. Suniti Kumar Chatterji commemoration volume ed. by Bhakti Prasad Mallik, Burdwan, West Bengal, India: Burdwan University Press. (1985) Two proposals. The Study of Sounds (Onsei no Kenkyuu), Commemorative volume for the 50th anniversary of the Phonetic Society of Japan XXI Michaud, Alexis (2006) Three Extreme Cases of Neutralisation: nasality, retroflexion and liprounding in Naxi. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 35: (2008) Phonemic and Tonal Analysis of Yongning Na. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale 37: (2009) The Prosodic System of Muli Shuitian (Laze) (Muli Shuitianhua Shengdiao Xitong Yanjiu 木 水 话声调系统研 ). Minority Languages of China (Minzu Yuwen 民族语文 ) 6: Michaud, Alexis, Guillaume Jacques and Robert L. Rankin (2012) Historical Transfer of Nasality between Consonantal Onset and Vowel: from C to V or from V to C?. Diachronica 29:2, Wellens, Koen (2006) Consecrating the Premi house: Ritual, Community and the State in the Borderlands of East Tibet. Faculty of Humanities. Oslo: University of Oslo. Appendix: A short Chinese-Laze glossary, arranged semantically This short list, arranged by semantic field, is based on a subset of the first author s field notes (heretofore unpublished). Despite its shortcomings, such as the lack of proper definitions and example sentences, it appeared useful to publish it as an illustration of the analyses presented in this article. A longer list (some 2,000 items, with English and

13 Chinese glosses) was deposited with the Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus (STEDT) project in February 2011 for open access online. mu 空 mu tu 地 mu dy ŋi mie 光 光 ŋi mie u 亮 ie mie 星星 tsi 流星 tsi qʰæ 风 mv hæ 雨 i 云 ti s 雾 qʰ 彩虹 mv 雪 vie 雷, 霹雷 mu gv 闪电, 闪电 bv bæ bæ 冰雹 dzy 冰雹块 dzy ly ly 露水 kʰɑ 冰 ŋi pʰv 火 mv 火花 mv æ 烟 mu kʰv 一 气 sɑ 垭 ɑ lv 山 tse 高山 u gu 山坡, 岗 tu bie 山脊 dy kʰu tu 山谷 tse æ tsʰ 山洞 læ qʰ 森林 sy zy 地 的小洞 pɑ tv 洞 qʰ 河流 mie 溪流 i tsʰi qʰæ lu 湖 i nɑ dzi 小型水库 ɹ 岸 mie kʰu kʰu 水 pɑ tv 水沟 qʰæ lu i tsʰi qwæ 小堤坝 bu tu 路 læ gv 地 地的 dy 地 坝 du kʰu 地 hæ du 地 li 水 dze li 石头 læ ɹ mie 粉, 粉 zy 土 ʈ 土 ʈ zy 尘土 pʰv hæ 泥巴 dɑ qʰæ 水 i tsʰi 洪水, 大水 y 浪 i tsʰi tʰie sɑ sɑ 水泉, 山泉 qʰ 温泉 ʈʰv 泉水 qʰ i tsʰi 金子 hæ 银子 ŋv 黄 æ æ pʰv 红 æ hĩ 铁 u 锈 ʈ qʰæ 炭 i dzi 盐 tsʰe 草木 lɥe dzy 坟墓 y v 身体 i 头 u tu 子, 髓 u fv 穴 s bv 头发 u tʰy 辫子 pɑ 毛 h 人身 的毛 ŋi h 头 tu k 眼睫毛 mjæ ts 眉毛 mie tu 眼睛 mie lv 眼 音节 mie 眼珠 mie lv nɑ i 眼圈骨 mie lv ɑ tu 眼泪 mjæ 鼻子 nj g 鼻 nj g qʰ 鼻涕 ŋy 耳朵 ie tu 耳 ie ze 耳垂 ie tu bv 耳垢 ie qʰæ bæ 脸 pʰv mie 腮 bjæ 嘴, 嘴巴, ŋy qʰ 嘴巴 ku pie 嘴巴 面 ku pie ku lu 牙齿 i 牙齿 i tʰu 臼齿 + 臼齿 ŋw ʈæ mie 牙龈 i tsʰi 舌头 i mie 舌头的筋 i æ 小舌 i æ 咙 q ts q ts tu ly 嘴唇 ni tʰ 颧骨 pʰv sy dzy 胡子 mv ts 鬓胡 bie nɑ 颚 tɑ 脖子 æ s pɑ 状 瘤 æ bæ 项背 g pɑ 肩 hwæ tsʰ 脊背 gv s 肩胛骨 tsʰ 驼背 du q 腋 jɑ dɑ 胸膛 ŋi mjæ qʰ 乳 ɑ pu 奶汁 æ 经 dz h tsʰ tsu 心, 性情 ŋi mie 子 hɑ mie tʰ pu tʰ 胆 tsi 胆汁 tsi 酸水 ti 腰 i ts qʰæ sæ pʰv mie 胯 tsʰ mie 椎骨 dzy ʈ 锁骨 læ v 肉 nɑ æ tsʰ 大 bv sɑ mie 膝 ŋwɑ tu 膝 骨 kɑ pʰæ 节 ts 小 v bæ 胫骨 w nj g ɑ tu 踝 节 læ mie ts tu ly 脚底 w tʰ 脚跟 gv ʈʰ 脚背 mi gv

14 半身 v ʈæ 半身 g ʈæ 四, 手脚 v tsʰ 胳膊 lɑ pʰie 胳膊 lɑ bu lv 肘 lɑ tu 臂弯 tsæ qæ 手掌 lɑ kw ie gv ti 手 lɑ pʰie læ gv 手背 lɑ gv 拳 lɑ kv ʈv 手腕 lɑ ts 手指 lɑ ŋi 大 指 lɑ ŋi ɑ mie 指 lɑ ʈ 门 kʰæ qʰ 男生殖器 ŋi tsi 皮 kv 皱 kv ʈɹ 黑痣 y mi 伤 mi pɑ pɑ 癣 lɑ li kʰw 血 s 血管 s bv 骨头 ɑ tu 骨髓 tsi ʈv 脊椎骨 gv s ɑ tu 骨 u 肺 tsʰv 肝 si v li 胃 v mie 鸡胃 læ pjæ v nɑ 胱 s pv 屎 qʰæ dzi 大小便的统 ɑ pʰu dzy kʰæ tsʰi 汗 音节 ʈv 痰 tie kʰæ bæ 水, 唾 ti 脓 bæ 花 tsʰ ʈʰv 麻疹, 疹子 bv z z 感冒 tsʰɑ dzɑ zu 发烧 ʈʰ 尸体 hĩ mu 生命 hĩ i 人 hĩ 藏族 kɑ mi 彝族 læ hĩ ɑ 普米族 b 纳西族 nɑ hĩ 自 lɑ ze 木 县的纳人 nɑ z 汉人 hæ 苗族 mjn.ts 孩子 zɑ hu 儿童 zɑ hu tʰæ ti hĩ 老人 hĩ mv v hĩ 老 ɑ j mie, 人 mv z hĩ 人 婚 mv kʰ kʰ 男人 ze kʰ 小 子 ze kʰ ze hĩ 小 hæ kʰw mie 少 hæ kʰw ze 妻子 mv kʰ ze kʰ 一户人 dy 家人 ɑ u hĩ 亲戚 ʈw ʈw h h 母亲 æ mie 母亲 孩子对 æ ŋi 母亲的 呼 亲 ɑ dɑ ɑ mie tʰæ ti hĩ 儿 mv 儿子 ze 孩子们, 子 ze mv 姨母 比母亲 ɑ pɑ 大 姨母 比母亲 æ ti 小 母亲的 ɑ pɑ æ ti 妹 母 æ ŋi 舅舅 舅 æ v 比母亲大 伯 ɑ pɑ 叔 ɑ bu 侄子 ze 侄 mv 侄子侄 ze ze mv mv 子 i v i mie 子 i v i mie, 曾 i pʰv, 曾 i mie i pʰv i mie 哥哥 mɑ mv g z 哥哥们 ɑ i g z 们 ɑ y ti ti 妹妹 gu mie 妹 ɑ y gu mie + 妹妹 g z gu mie 婿 mæ v 媳, 儿媳 tsʰ mie 嫂子 mi tʰi 祖母, 奶奶 ɑ j 姥姥 ɑ z mie 舅舅的舅舅 æ pʰv 子 ə dɑ ə z 母亲 孩子们 æ mie se ze 亲 母亲 ɑ dɑ æ mie 叔叔侄子 ɑ bu se ze 叔叔侄 ɑ bu se mv 劳动人民 lu vie hĩ 士 mɑ mi 商人 g tʰi v tʰi hĩ 生 tsʰ i vie 寨首 æ z hĩ 族, 隶 s pʰie 木匠 si gv hĩ 编竹子的 匠 mæ dɑ hĩ hĩ 铁匠 u lɑ hĩ hĩ 铁 u lɑ 喇嘛 lɑ mɑ 尼 mv kʰ dɑ p 达巴, 巫 dɑ p dze mie hĩ 强 kʰv mæ 病人 hĩ u hĩ 朋, 伴 tʰy mie 瞎子 mjæ æ 跛子 bu v hĩ 聋子 ie bu 秃子 w ly ly 傻瓜 zy bæ 子 v 巴 i ʈʰæ

15 人 dɑ pu 客人 hĩ 寡 u mie ʈʰv hĩ 孤儿 zu ʈʰv 稀饭 h 饭 米饭 ʈʰæ pʰv dze 粥 hu 面粉 zy 糊, 子 hu 馒头 mi hiẽ 肉 熟肉 lɑ mi 生肉 dy dy hĩ 瘦肉 nɑ 肉 pʰv 牲畜前 的肉 lɑ sɑ 牲畜 的肉 sɑ pʰv mie 的 皮的内 ɑ ʈv 肉 胸 的肉 bi 部划出来 w mi tsv tʰie dy hĩ 的膘 身躯带骨头 w u 的肉把 的骨头装 bu kʰ tʰ tu 在大 把瘦肉装在 v ie 子 把 的皮剥 wæ tsʰ lɑ lv hĩ 来, 缝 筒形, 塞满瘦肉 皮 w kv 油 kæ mi 酥油 mi 油 mi ɹ 蛋 læ mjæ 蛋黄 ljæ mjæ q 蛋 ljæ mjæ ku pʰv 汤 ŋi 酒 黄酒 pie mv 醋 ty hĩ 开水 i tsʰi tsʰ ʈʰv 茶 lie 糖 dy 烟 j 药 tsʰ i 丸 小球 tu ly 饭 dze w dze 马料 ly 线 ʈʰæ i ʈ 绸 ʈ ze 衣服 bɑ lɑ 蓑衣 tɑ 衣, 衣服 b ze 衣领 æ h 袖子 jɑ qʰ 扣子 bu ly 裤子 ie kʰw 头帕 lɑ ʈʰv 帽子 ʈv ʈv 斗笠 u mu 梳子 粗 ʈv mie ʈʰ li 羊毛裙子 h u kʰw 裙子 u kʰw 裹 tsʰ tʰu 鞋垫 sæ hæ ʈʰæ 鞋, 鞋子 sæ hæ 耳环 ie kʰv 指 lɑ ʈʰ 手 lɑ dy 珠, 珠子 qʰ ze 子 t g 毯子 t hu 的毯子 v dz 垫子 qʰ 枕头 u gu 褥子 æ mie 被子 ty hu 蚊帐 tʰɑ ɹ lɑ ʈ hĩ 木头 si 木, 木 子 si pʰæ 家, 家庭 y v 屋 y kʰw 家 ɑ u 座 dzy læ 菜园 u tʰ li 圈, 牲畜圈 bi 土墙 ʈ bu 城 lu w jy kʰw 城 城 u lu 村寨, 村子 bie, fv bie 街 w bie 石墙 lu w 窗户 dɑ kʰu 柱子 æ mie 梁 gu ly ie gv tie 门 kʰu bi 门 kʰu 门槛 kʰu tɑ 梯子 dzy ʈʰv 花 kw i 石头 阶 læ mie dz 粮仓 gu 场 hæ du 篱笆 qʰ tɑ 商品 no 西 tɑ s 桌子 ɑ læ 凳子 qʰ 床 q 箱子 s gv 扫帚 hw ʈu 火 把小麻 tsɑ 皮捶 火 tse mie 火把 mv tʰy 香 sy dy 料 ʈʰv v mie 的 子 u hu 蒸笼 dze bv kwɑ tɑ mie 菜, 俎 ts ʈæ 把子 q 勺子 瓢 bi ze 调羹 bi ze tʰɑ ti hĩ 大调羹 bi ze 碗 kʰw 子 w pʰie 木 子 si kʰw 筷子 瓶子 d 子, 子 pi ze 器 茶壶 t ɹ 大水桶 tɑ tɑ 过去 杯水的 si pu tɑ 背篓 桶 zy mie

16 木盆 si tse lu 脸盆 pʰv mie tsʰ lu 脚 u tsʰi 火塘 kwɑ lu 厨 tsu kw 火钳 mu ŋy 风箱 mv mi tsu 来背小孩的 zɑ hu pɑ dzi 带子 背带 dzi sɑ 钱 钱 t hĩ 资, 钱 ɑ pʰv 马鞍 ti qʰ 马笼头 u y 马 带 bie 马嚼子 kwɑ wæ 马槽 w gv 挽具, 鞧 mæ kv 缰绳 dzi 马的鞭子, mæ v 马鞭 驮 li mi 牛鼻绳 nj g dzi 斧头 lv mie wɑ dɑ u 子 ʈu 子 dzv 木 子 dɑ ʈv ku y 铁 u qʰ 钩子 tsæ qæ 剪 ts tie 锁 tsɑ kwɑ 钥匙 tse i 犁头 gv 铧头, 犁铧 ʈʰɑ 耙 w 牛 行 æ hwɑ 牛皮绳, 犁具 dz dz 绳 头 tsy q 挖 bæ w 楔子 h 绳子 dzi 背篓 kʰ 袋子 di k 料, 粪 kʰæ 臼 [ 坨坨 ] ʈu mu 杵 [ 捶捶 ] lu 碓 mu ʈu 小筛子 mu tʰɑ ti hĩ 筛子 2 b kʰ 筛子 4 i ʈ 筛子 5 mu ɑ pɑ dz hĩ 簸箕 簸粮 mu 手磨 ty ly 水磨 i tsʰi ty ly 水槽 i tsʰi w gv 机 ɹ dɑ 拐棍 mi ʈʰv hũ gv 鞘 y 枪 mv ie 准星 ie gv tie 装火药的皮带 ku ly 枪把 q 弩弓 tɑ nɑ 弓 ie 箭 bv pɑ tv 毒 v tʰɑ ɹ 记 hæ ty 路 læ gv 话 ɑ væ 故 ʈʰæ 舞蹈 tsʰu 旗子 tsi 声音 qʰ 鼓 dɑ kʰ 钹 bv tsʰ 笛子 ʈʰu ly 胡琴 wæ mæ dɑ q 铃 ty bu 牛角 来 bu qʰ 长 角 神, 菩萨 gɑ lɑ 鬼 ŋi 灵魂, 魂魄 ie 气 ʈʰɑ u 力气 ɑ zi 胆 ŋi mie dz 礼物 tʰɑ hĩ 别 tʰɑ nie nie mə ŋ 一, 没 tʰɑ nie nie 别 渣滓 dz mæ 影子 dɑ v 梦 y mu kʰw 方 vi dzy ʈ 西方 y dzy ʈ 方 i ʈʰ mie 北方 kʰ dzy ʈ 旁边 bie ku 边 væ tɑ 边 i tɑ 前面 u dɑ 面 gw tu 外面 ɑ pʰv 面 ku lu 周围 kʰu kʰu lie lie 地界 tʰu lɑ tsʰi 面 g ʈ 面 g bv 面 v ʈʰæ 中间 æ mie 顶 bv 半身 g æ 半身 v ʈæ 时候 m mi 一夜 hiẽ 一 ŋi 初一 lɑ tsʰi ŋi 初 lɑ tsʰi ŋi ŋi 初 lɑ tsʰi su ŋi 初十 lɑ tsʰi tsʰi ŋi 十一日 tsʰi ŋi 十 日 tsʰi ŋw ŋi 十 日 tsʰi qʰ ŋi 十日 su tsʰi ŋi 今 tsʰi ŋi 昨 æ ŋi 前 n ŋi 前 ə ŋi ŋi mi su u su 大 u su 四 以 u ŋi su 今晚 tsʰi h 晚 su h 昨晚 ɑ h

17 早晨 dɑ nɑ pʰv kw 今 早 tsʰi u 早点 dɑ nɑ dze dze mie lie gv 中 饭 中 u, u tu 吃中 饭 u dze u dze gw 晚 mi kʰ 晚饭 mi kʰ dze 吃晚饭 mi kʰ dze dze 黄, 暮 nɑ pʰv tsʰɑ w 夜 sy q tsy kʰv 今 tsʰ vie 去 æ vie 前 vie 以前 vie su vie u vie 鼠 hw kʰv 牛 vi kʰv 虎 lɑ kʰv 兔 tʰu lie kʰv 龙 mu gv kʰv v kʰv 马 kʰv 羊 y kʰv 猴 zy kʰv 鸡 læ kʰv 狗 kʰ kʰv w kʰv 过 kʰv ie 半 ie pʰ lie mie ŋi lie mie su lie mie 四 v lie mie ŋw lie mie qʰ lie mie 七 ie lie mie i lie mie gv lie mie 十 tsʰi lie mie 十一 tsʰi lie mie 十 tsʰi ŋi lie mie 时候, 传说 æ vie vie 代 从前 ɑ 以前 u dɑ 来 ɑ mu 来 ɑ ŋi tsʰ ŋi 去 gw tu 今 kʰu tʰu 夏 春夏 mu u bie 冬 mu tsʰy bie 婚姻 tsʰ mie kʰv 1 gv 2 ŋi gv 3 su gv 4 v gv 5 ŋw gv 6 qʰ gv 7 gv 8 i gv 9 gv gv 10 tsʰi gv 11 tsʰi gv 12 tsʰi ŋi gv 13 tsʰi su gv 14 tsʰi v gv 15 tsʰi ŋw gv 16 tsʰi qʰ gv 17 tsʰi gv 18 tsʰi i gv 19 tsʰi gv gv 20 ŋi tsi gv 30 su tsʰi gv 40 v tsʰi gv 50 ŋw tsʰi gv 60 qʰ tsʰi gv 70 tsʰi gv 80 i tsʰi gv 90 gv tsʰi gv i gv 千 ʈv gv tsʰi ʈv 一半 æ 一条绳子 ʈʰæ, k 一 线 ʈʰæ 一棵树 dzi 一 竹子 tu 一 棍子 k 个 一个人 i 一 鸡 pʰ 一群 一队 hw 一把 nɑ 一粒 米 li 一个碗 kʰæ 一 衣服 lv 一包 一卷 tu 一筐 kʰ 一捧 kwɑ 驮子 tu ly 一串 kw 一滴 tʰɥe 一滴水 tʰɥe 一瓶 d ʈ 一斤 sɑ 一两 y 一堆 比如 : pu 一堆粮 一块 pʰæ 一对 dze 一 鞋 dze 一 pʰ 一段 ʈæ 一庹 [ 一排 ] y 一拃 大 指 ty 和 指 间的 距离 指 指 伸 物 长 一拃 大 指 ty ze 和中指 间的 距离 一 牛 pʰ 一 tsʰ 一 mæ 一亩 pʰæ 一辈子 ʈʰæ 一步 ʈʰv 一 dy 吃的 一 ʈʰæ 经常 d 回 lɑ i 又, 再 ɑ mɑ dy 晚 hiẽ hiẽ 每 ŋi ŋi 整 bv tsʰ ŋi 全部, 一 tɑ 都 ɑ hw 自 ts 个 指 u ʈʰ 个 指 tʰ ʈʰ

18 那个 远指 u ʈʰ tʰ ku 那 t ku 谁 kʰɑ si ɑ tsu 怎 ɑ ŋie vie i? 哪 j ku 时候 kʰɑ tʰɑ 多少 kʰɑ j 个 kʰɑ i 粗 树粗大 ɑ p bu hĩ 树 tʰɑ tʰy hĩ 高 ɑ pɑ hu tʰɑ y hĩ 长 hæ hĩ 短 æ 远 læ qʰ læ ŋy 宽, ɑ pɑ dz 窄 tʰɑ ti 宽敞 ɑ p hw 子 k k 厚 ɑ p lu tʰɑ bie 水 die 深 水深 hɑ 过于, ko y 多 dzi 多 ɑ p j 少 mu 少 di hĩ 一些 bæ 圆形 球 gw die læ hĩ 秃 bv 皱 衣服 ʈɹ 准 w 对 mə w 歪, 偏 帽 lɑ tɑ 子 横 横躺 æ æ læ 竖 ʈv ʈv læ 直 站直 ʈv ʈv læ 伸直 ʈv 弯 lɑ gv 色 ʈʰv 黑 色 nɑ 黑 色 nɑ ʈʰæ læ 脸 衣 pʰv 服 脸 衣 pʰv tæ læ 服 头发 u tʰy pʰv hĩ 红 wæ s ŋie hĩ 黄 q læ 绿 z hw ɑ ŋie hĩ pʰu du læ hĩ pʰv hæ læ hĩ, 黑 nɑ fv fv 花的 蛋 i ʈ hwɑ hwɑ l 鸟 ɑ lɑ hĩ 轻 pʰɑ lɑ 快 动作 ʈʰwæ 快 lɑ kw hw 慢 æ ze 得 早 ʈʰwæ 尖 u ty læ 锋 tʰɑ 清 水 w w hĩ 浑浊 水 wæ 燥 læ fv 湿 tæ læ 如 : tʰie ʈ 种子 稠 粥 mɑ fv m mie 比较 稀 粥, 汤 hæ ʈʰɑ ʈʰɑ 硬, 硬 u 紧 tsi mə tsi 来 tɑ 软, 软 mv æ 胶 tʰie ts 光滑 路 kæ 生 dy dy 熟 mi 新 tsɑ 陈旧 tsu zi 好 d 好 心好 nu 稳 谨慎 ʈʰɑ ʈʰɑ mə d pʰv dz 便 pʰv y 老 mv v 轻 pʰæ ti 温, 和 ly 冷 气.. u 冷 水 ʈʰæ 难作 lu hɑ 辛苦 ʈʰ 容易, 容易做 lu 轻 pʰɑ lɑ 香 气味 su 香 气味 y 香 吃得香 su 臭 bv v 腐烂 lɑ bv 酸 ty 甜 tsʰi 苦 kʰɑ 咸 tsʰe su 咸 tsʰe kʰɑ 物变味, 人 ts bv v 虚弱 瘦 物 v 饿 饭 dze mi 馋 t 需要 ŋi 请, 要 mie 讨饭 dze mie 感谢 ɑ mie 饱 ŋ 休息, 懈 hĩe ŋi tsʰi 务繁 lu dzi 富 læ æ mə dy 很 dy 净 w w mə u æ mæ z 痛, 病 生 u 病 觉得 舒服 mə tsʰe, 膨, ʈ 子 着凉 tsʰɑ dzɑ zu ie ɑ 好 技 好 vie w 勤快 h 聪 tʰie 傻 笨 蠢 bæ 狡猾 t 一条心, 想得 i

19 一致 和气 和睦 w ʈ 静 hĩ kʰɑ m tsʰe 装做 t vie kʰæ vie 骄傲, 自以 æ v 好 凶恶 mɑ nu 爱破 wæ kʰæ hĩ 客气 / 害羞 hĩ vie 啬 lɑ ʈʰv 大方 ɑ p j ku 贪心 足, 贪 se tʰy 吃 懒 mə h 多嘴 i mie dzi 笨拙 mə ʈʰæ ʈʰæ 努力 wɑ vie 幸 人 mɑ dɑ 高 劲 læ pʰi 幸福, 逸 tsʰe, 爱 pʰi 爱, 心 mɑ dɑ 讨 dzv 生气 gv 高, 心情好 se se 好玩 人 tsʰe ʈ 宁 dɑ 悲哀, 伤心 mə tsʰe 孤 hĩ ʈ 陡峭 山 tu bie 装 ʈv 搬土 草 lwæ 挖 wæ 耙 tsɑ 扫 væ 拔 草 pv 获, 割草 z tsʰ æ 弄 弄开 tɑ pie læ 竹子 整齐 使均 b b læ 匀 排列整齐 ʈ 举 抬 g tsʰi 驮子 g tsʰi 抬 个人一 g tsʰi 背 pɑ 背水 i tsʰi pɑ 背孩子 zɑ hu pɑ 扛 lu 驮 tsi 助 kɑ kɑ 包 tʰu 瞒着别人 nɑ nɑ tsɑ 比 tʰɑ tʰɑ nie nie læ 放置 tʰie ʈ 提前准备好 t t 修理 gv 宰牲畜 kʰɑ 新做 li tie vie 西 tʰie lɑ ku 唱 gw sɑ 完 lɑ se 吃 dze 桌子 tʰie ʈ 咬 ʈʰæ 嚼 tɑ q 吃草 wæ 舔 j 含在嘴 lv 呕 pʰie 小便, 解溲 dzi hæ 拉屎 kʰæ hæ 拉 子 qʰæ wæ 喷嚏 ɑ ʈʰ 嗝儿 h ʈv 饱嗝儿 ie pʰv 水 ti tsʰ v 吸吮 tsʰi tsʰi 抽烟 j v 串珠 s 穿 u s 穿 qʰ ʈʰv 插 ʈʰu 刺痛 pu 扎... 扎 gv 一代, 一世 ʈʰæ 传 ʈv 出来, 刮 ʈʰv 风 雪 vie sɑ 雨 i 冰雹 dzy lɑ 露水 v kʰɑ lɑ 发生 雷 mu gv gv 吹 mi 缠线 dzy dzy 钓鱼 ŋi ze lɑ, 猎 dzi, hã dzi, 驱, qʰæ li h kʰ 撵 牵 牵牛 kʰ æ 开 pʰɑ 开 如 : 开 lɑ tsʰi 门 开手心 kʰæ kʰæ ʈæ 羊 ʈæ 锁门 tse 嘴 tʰie mu 眨眼 njæ mæ 眼 mj lv 穿 衣服 h 脱 脱衣服 pʰv 佩带 p 手 p 帽子 ʈv 挡 qʰ 等候 tʰie hiẽ 地震 dy ; 凋谢 lɑ kʰ 吊自杀, 缢 æ ts 冻 lɑ ʈɹ 爬行, 匍匐 dy 翻身 tʰu ty 翻过来翻过去 zi ty pʰv 滚 石头滚 gu bv ly 使滚 lɑ pʰu 躲藏 tʰie æ 藏 tʰie ʈʰwæ 藏 一个小的 tʰie mv 西 动 li li 堵塞 dzv 棍子断 lɑ qʰæ qʰ

20 破 碗, qʰ 子 损 wæ æ 撕 撕 w 线 w qʰæ wæ qʰæ 生长 k pi 长大 g kw 发抖, 颤抖 tʰy tʰy 发烧 ʈʰ 别人 心 ŋi mjæ hũ 发芽 树 hw ɑ p i tj 发芽 种子 y 开花 væ 告状 t w 惩罚 u dy 掺和 tʰie tsʰi 放 dze lv dy 旋 qʰæ qʰæ 西 zy zy 逢 v 孵 zy 符合 街 w bie bi ŋw 做, 作 vie 劳动 lu vie 给 传 ku 喂动物 dze ku 种子 pʰɑ 使钩 mi 钩, 悬挂 hwɑ 够 lv 别人 hĩ kʰ kɑ lu vie 管理庄 li 管庄 li ʈʰ 管理 ɑ u æ z 灌溉 li 害羞 hæ du 害怕 si 吓 v 悔 pʰ 画 写 ʈ 刻 怀 一个孩子 zɑ hu p 交 qæ qæ 变 蛹变蛾 t ɑ væ qæ, qæ qæ 飘动 li li wæ wæ 动 ti ti 来 i 毁灭 tʰu tsʰ 使混合 ʈwæ ʈwæ 搀 æ æ 搀 wæ wæ 和泥 dæ kʰæ æ 累 k k 记得 ŋi mie qʰ gv tsʰi 寄 ʈ 寄信 服 qʰ p 妒忌 gv 停 læ hĩẽ 剪 tsʰi 树 dɑ 劈 剖 qʰ 剁肉, 宰 dɑ hæ 断 线 ʈʰ 马 lwæ 狗吠 lv 老虎 lwæ hĩ 很多 子 ly dy 子 lɑ dy ŋɑ 婚姻 v 别人借 ŋi 借给别人 tsʰv, ʈʰu tsʰv 钱 vi 递过去 p hũ 居 dzy 聚集 lɑ ly ly 蜷缩 zy 看 看 看望 bi 听 hã 听 mv 嗅 læ mi 闻到 bu v 呼吸 sɑ se 烤火取 mv kw 站 站立 hĩẽ 跪 mɑ ku tʰie tsʰy 跪 磕头 pv 头 咳嗽 tsv 渴 hw 困倦 tsʰe 拉 前拉 ʈæ 拖 gwæ æ 推 mie 按 手 æ ty 靠 tʰu 留 tʰie dzv ʈ! 遗漏 mv 记 læ mv, 捆 tsʰi ts ts 系 ty 勒 dz dz 漏水 mɑ æ 滤 ts 弄 wæ qʰæ 驱逐 qʰæ p hũ! 埋 ŋy tʰi 生意 g tʰi v tʰi 抿嘴巴 tsʰi tsʰi 触碰 gv 磨 sv 拧 拧毛巾 æ v 搓 搓绳子 zy 缠线 dzy dzy 爬, 山 g du 爬, 山 dy dy 如 : 脱 粒 敲门 tɑ tɑ 人, lɑ 排队 læ vie 跑 dzɑ 碰撞 pʰje 泼水 y 欺负 dy mɑ hã 欺骗 qæ 垒 来 ɹ 墙 ʈ bu 骑马 dz 床 g ʈ 招呼 j ku kʰu ə jæ?

21 ʈʰv 热饭 tsi 必须 ə k 能, 能够 w lɑ du 掷 掷石头 ʈɑ tsʰi 了 pʰv 解开, 解绳 ʈʰ 杀 kʰɑ 筛 ly 射中 zy 伸 伸手 v ʈʰ 生锈 ʈ qʰæ n dze 生孩子 zɑ hu dy 失 tʰu tsʰ 开 帐篷 qʰæ qʰæ 收 弄整齐 u u 梳 ʈʰw 梳 si si 败 输 mə tʰ 手剥 剥皮 削 煮熟 t 煮了一 m mi t 烧开 t 煨熟 tsi 蒸熟 bv 炒 肉 菜 hĩ 炒 肉 菜 ʈʰu 炒 麦子 hĩ hĩ 揉面 zv 搅 wɑ 尝试 体 bi 经过 烘 læ fv kʰ 弄 牙 ty ly ty 齿 手磨 在磨 磨 ty 点 ʈv 烧 v 烧焦 qʰæ 烧火 tsʰi 熏 hwɑ 一 摔交 zi zi 来 去 w lie u 睡觉 zi 睡着 zi mv zi 讲 w 商 谈 ɑ væ 讲故 u mv du 读 ŋi tsi 批评 æ 骂 u dy, 跑 pʰu 踢一脚 tsɑ ʈʰv 剔, 刮 si si 满 ɹ 挑选 si 跳舞 tsʰu 仰 j ŋ 弄弯 tsɑ qæ kʰ tie se 洗衣服 tsʰ 冲水 y 蛋 相信 mu g 醒 ʈv 学 su 教 su 写 ʈ 知道 s 传闻 懂 mv 寻找 抠痒 kwɑ 阉割 læ mie gv 养 动物 w 溢出来 qʰ 行 pv 漂浮 ty 跨 跨小沟 ɑ 遇 pv, 覆 hu 遮 云遮 kɑ 挡 去路 kɑ 包 来 u u, lɑ u 遮蔽 hu 使火炉灭了 ŋy 灭, 熄 kʰ 振动 震动 点头 u tu gv gv 抢 æ 争夺 æ æ 吵 æ æ 偷 kʰv 催别人把 西 tɑ 交出来 dɑ 编 竹子 mæ dɑ 指 gv 种 ʈv 抓 w 啄 kʰv 醉 æ / dzy 做梦 y mu kʰw 子 nɑ fv fv mu nɑ 瘦 人瘦 dzɑ 瘦 肉 nɑ 肉 pʰv 胖 dy 燥 fv 爱 ɑ li 陋 ɑ m li 辣 ts 活 sv 死 人 s 死 kʰ 合 擦 ʈʰv, ʈʰv ʈʰv 揉 zv 呛 塌毁, 倒塌 d 错 犯错误 qæ 舀水 qwɑ 卫 ʈʰ 带孩子 qæ 带路 læ v 骨折 qʰæ 倒 qʰæ 掉 ʈʰ 掉入 沉 去 ʈʰ 摔倒, 跌倒 tʰie 路很滑 立 来 tʰie dzy kʰ 到达 ʈʰv 得到 ɹ 丢失, 遗失 tʰu tsʰ 捉 捉鸡 zi 握 握 把 tsʰv

22 拣,, 取 lɑ tsʰv 来, ku 摘 ʈʰ 过来 y 赠 p 哄 tu tu 抱 小孩子 tu, tu tu 亲吻 bu bu 铺 铺床 kʰu 去 bi 去 b 去 过去式 h 走路 se 步 gɑ l v l bi 走 离开 hũ 大声 ku 笑 ɹ 玩笑 ɑ ɑ væ 逗弄 话 ze kʰw vie 玩, 玩耍 ɑ 玩具 ɑ tsu 哭 ŋv 过去 时间 gv 数 ʈw ʈw 跳 tsʰu 过河 æ u u 想 ɹ 愿意 lwæ 请 lwæ 接 ʈv, ʈv ʈv 游泳 漂浮 v, v dy 没 mə dy 大 ɑ pɑ dz 小 ti 交配 动物 lv 鸟 u i 鸡 læ 鸡 læ pʰv 母鸡 læ mie 鸭子 bæ mie 雉 tʰu y 雉 ʈʰɑ mv ʈʰɑ ʈʰɑ 雉, 鹇 k pi 啄木鸟 tʰu bie tʰu tɑ tɑ 鹤 mu ze hæ ze 枭 bu lu fv 老鹰 kɑ nɑ mie " 小鹰 " ʈw lɑ ʈ 鸦 lɑ æ læ se 鹟 鶲 w mie 鹦鹉 ɑ qæ 羽毛 h 翅 dv tsʰ 龙 v bæ 蝙蝠 dy w 虫 dzi hĩ 蜈 ʈv i 蚊子 i ts 跳 kʰ 虱子 mie 虮子 臭虫 q 象鼻虫 bv ʈʰæ 毛虫 sɑ dɑ bv tsʰv 瓢虫 dzi hĩ æ ts læ hĩ 四脚 zɑ m bv 蟥, 水蛭 i tsʰi dz hĩ 马蜂 黄蜂 dzv 蚯蚓 nj g dzi hĩ tsʰɑ v 巢 tsʰɑ v qʰ 蜜蜂 dy 蜂蜜 dy 蜂窝 dy gu mu kʰv lv 苍蝇 b 大苍蝇 fv mie kʰæ 蝉 w mie t 蛛 bɑ lɑ mie 大 蛛 bɑ lɑ mie ɑ pɑ dz hĩ 蛛 bɑ lɑ mie kʰ 牛, 螺蛳 nj k sy 蜣螂 [ 牛屎虫 粪虫 ] w mie kʰæ hĩ tu ly 蝴蝶 pʰie lie 螳螂 lɑ mie lɑ õ õ 蝗虫 ŋi bv kwɑ tɑ mie 小的树支虫 si dze dze hĩ 象 n bv tʰi w 母 w mie 种 w sy 崽 马 马母马骟马马驹子马鹿鹿母鹿狗母狗流浪的狗看门狗旱獭熊熊胆 母 山羊 山羊麝香山羊羔绵羊 绵羊母绵羊绵羊羔羊毛岩羊 [ 青羊 ] 狐狸青蛙蝌蚪鱼兔子 的蜕皮壁虎水獭 兽的洞鸟窝, 鸟巢骡子獐子麂子猴子老虎豹子狼牛 wæ bv w ʈ sy mie zɑ hu ʈʰæ ʈʰæ bv ʈʰæ mie kʰ kʰ mie ʈʰã lɑ ɑ u kʰ dzi hw u u tsi hw lie hw lie bv hw lie mie tsʰ tsʰ bv lie hu tsʰ tʰu y y bv y mie y zɑ hu tsʰ h se wæ mie p mie p dy ly ŋi ze tʰu lie v bæ kv qæ lie dɑ ɹ qʰ kʰ dɑ u lie tsʰi y lɑ æ pʰɑ vi

23 牛 vi sy 水牛 væ 牛 / 牛 bv 驴子 tõ bv 驴子 i bæ 藏羚 se 牲畜 dze mie 鼠, 鼠 hwæ 老鼠 = 耗子 hw 黄鼠狼, 黄 u pʰv 貂 尖鼠 鼩鼱 ty hw ŋy qʰ 鼠 ŋi ze 刺猬 pv 马鬃 bv bv 蹄子 kʰw bie 奶牛的乳 vi ɑ pu 犄角 qʰ 爪子 lɑ ʈ 大蒜 fv 菌子 蘑菇 mu ʈʰw ty 水 si u ɑ li 桃子 tsʰ kv tɑ 梨子 si v 柿子 s bv 大麦 mi dze 青稞 ʈʰv z 甜荞, 荞麦, jɑ 花荞 苦荞 jɑ kʰɑ 子 dze sv 米 tʰi 米饭 ʈʰæ pʰv dze 玉米 包谷 kʰɑ dze 燕麦 mv z 莜麦 苋米 njɑ lɑ mɑ 糠 tsʰi 麦麸 pʰɑ dɑ 麦秸 z 麦芒 mie 小麦 dze 火麻 sɑ ɑ 大麻 sɑ 蔬菜 u tʰ 萝卜 ly bi 瓜 tse hĩ gw 黄瓜 ʈv hw 土豆 马铃 jɑ y 薯, 洋芋 树 si dzi 树 tʰu si qʰ qʰ 落 tʰu b 树, 杨 v si 柏树 sv 大竹子 mæ 竹子 tsʰ ʈv 竹子 mæ tʰæ ti hĩ 甘蔗 kʰɑ dze pu v 黄豆 ŋy 豆花 ŋy hu 豌豆 dɑ tsʰv 豌豆 草 dɑ tsʰv z 花椒 dy 花椒 dy bv 庄 kʰv wɑ 庄 收 bie 藤子 ŋy bæ 辣椒 læ ts 四 树, mu k 树 桃 u du 荨麻 [ 和麻 ] ŋi ʈʰ 血满草 [ 臭草 ] jɑ bv jɑ ts ts [ 酸酸草 ] hw ty 大蒜的 fv u tu 酸菜, 如 : 芜 ty læ 菁 子 si ɑ tsʰ 树 mæ dy 树 si kɑ lɑ 树 si dzi 液, 汁, si 香 tʰu æ 麦苗 dz i 种子 læ 子 tʰ 刺 tʰi tu 花 væ 花 ɑ li wɑ 草 z 玉米包 ʈʰv 杉树 si li 豆类的粗糠 ŋy tsɑ 秕, 喂牛 树墩 树桩 si p ʈv 树瘤 ts tu ly 茎 z v ŋɑ 你 nu 他 ʈʰ 咱们 u m 们 ŋɑ m 你们 nu m 他们 对 ʈʰ kʰ 辈 你们俩 nu dzi mə 是 是 ŋ, u nie 越 更 lɑ hɑ 凉山木 县 mu li 木 县项脚 hw ɑ dy In Laze, there are three lexical tones for nouns: High, Mid and Low, and four for verbs (including stative verbs): again, High, Mid and Low, and Mid-to-High, the latter consisting of a sequence of two tonal levels (see Michaud 2009 for an analysis of this tone system). Throughout the article, tones are indicated by means of Chao tone-letters: for H(igh), for M(id), for L(ow), for MH.

24 See Michaud 2006 for Naxi, Michaud 2008 for Yongning Na, and Michaud et al for a crosslinguistic study. Pr. Huang also noted /wæ / for to shout, to cry out (of pigs) ; in the dialect described here, this word is realised as /lwæ /. For instance, the form /bɑ hɑ / pig swill, from /bu / pig and /hɑ / food, is reported by He Jiren and Jiang Zhuyi 1985 and confirmed by He Jiren (p.c. 2002) for his own native dialect: Yangxi 漾西 ; however, other dialects of the Lijiang plain retain the form /bu hɑ /, without vowel harmony. From a comparative point of view, some of the words with initial /f/ or /v/ in Laze correspond to stopinitial words in Naxi and Na (see Jacques et al for details). A look at comparanda in conservative languages suggests that the fricatives in the Laze words result from spirantisation: pre-initials can be reconstructed for the Proto-Naish stage. In Laze, these pre-initials caused a lenition of the following stop a phenomenon akin to that observed in Vietnamese, where medial consonants were spirantised (Ferlus 1982; about the term spirants, see Martinet 1981, 1985). Note that the symbol // for a palatal nasal, used here in accordance with the International Phonetic Alphabet, is strictly equivalent with the symbol /ȵ/ which is more commonly used in the People s Republic of China.