34封面底內頁中.doc

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9 2 Sidney W. Mintz 1 1 Sidney W. Mintz ~24

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11 4 Frederick W. Mote K. C. Chang ed., Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), ~ ~90 303~ ~ ~ a b

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47 Georg Simmel 154 Sidney W. Mintz 130~ Heidrun Merkle Georg Simmel

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49 42 The Emperor's Dining Table: The Serving System of Palace Meals and Its Related Problems in the Ming Dynasty Chi u, Chung-lin * Abstract This study deals with several aspects of the system of serving palace meals in the Ming Dynasty: how the emperor dines, the dishes, the institutions of preparing the meals, the number of people that have meals in the palace, and the amount of spending on the meals. In the early years of the Ming Dynasty, the emperors were served with frugality, and there were not many kinds of dishes on the table. After the middle period, the meals of the imperial palace became comparatively abundant beef, milk and sweets were increased. Besides, the main food was gradually changed from rice (food of southern China) to wheat (food of northern China). These were the main changes in the palace meals. As for the preparation system, there were three intitutions involved: Guang Lu Si () of the civil service system, Shang Shan Jian ( ) of the eunuch's system, and Shang Shi Ju ( ) of the palace maid system. By convention, it was Shang Shan Jian that supervised the serving of the emperor s diet, but it became gradually the case for the powerful eunuchs of the inner court to prepare emperor s meals in turn after the Wan-Li period ( ). This meal preparation group, which was outside the established system, was more able to satisfy emperor s special appetite, and the formal meals became gifts awarded by the emperors to their favorites. For preparing the imperial meals, the serving institutions employed up to 9,400 kitchen servants in the early period, but its number gradually decreased to 3,400 in the late Ming. Among these kitchen servants, only several hundred went to the Shang Shan Jian for preparing the emperors meals; and the remainder were responsible for the meals of 10,000 palace maids, eunuchs, and imperial officials. The expenses incurred amounted to 12,000 taels in silver per month in 1611, and 9,000 taels per month during the Chong-Zhen ( ). Keywords: Ming Dynasty, palace meals, kitchen servant, eunuch, palace maid. * Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of History & Philology, Academia Sinica.

50 34 BIBLID (2004)34p ~ ** * I **

51 Lin Yü-sheng, The Evolution of the Pre-Confucian Meaning of Jen and the Confucian Concept of Moral Autonomy, Monumenta Serica 31 ( , Sankt Augustin), Issiah Berlin positive liberty Two Concepts of Liberty, Four Essays on Liberty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979),

52 45 the state

53 ~ intended Joshua A. Fogel, ed., The Role of Japan in Liang Qichao s Introduction of Modern Western Civilization to China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004)

54 ~ Chang Hao, Liang Ch i-ch ao and Intellectual Transition in China, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), ~45

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72 Chang, Liang Ch i-ch ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890~1907

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89 Lin Yü-sheng, The Crisis of the Chinese Consciousness: Radical Antitraditionalism in the May Fourth Era (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), chaps

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92 85 Liberty and Constraints: The Individual, the Li, and the Law in the Thought of Liang Qichao Yang, Chen-te * Abstract The issue of liberty and constraints had been embodied in two major concerns of modern Chinese political thought. One was the conflict between the li (rituals) and the individual, and the other the position of li vis-á-vis the law. The writings of Liang Qichao in the period of clearly illustrate these concerns and the problems involved. This essay, therefore, aims to explicate the ideas of Liang during these years, who had changed from emphasizing the need for liberty to advocating the value of law, from understanding right as might to attributing the idea of right to liangzhih (conscience), and from endorsing the li to arguing for its replacement by the law. In the process of such changes, Liang reinterpreted the idea of political self-rule in terms of ethical self-mastery; he, thus, had to face the same political predicament of the traditional Chinese literati. In addition, while Liang failed to articulate the distinction between a liberal democracy and the simple majority rule, he provided no theoretical basis for justifying the independence of law from politics and for protecting the individual. He in this way unconsciously fostered the increasing dominance of the political in modern China. Last, by promoting the law and debunking the li with an evolutionary rhetoric, Liang helped launching the modern Chinese iconoclastic movement in its early stage. Keywords: Liang Qichao, the individual, liberty, right, self-government, self-mastery, rule of law, the li (rituals). * Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, Academia Sinica.

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153 146 Between Reality and Norm: The Images of Taiwanese as Illustrated in the Japanese Language Readers for Elementary Schools in Colonial Taiwan Chou, Wan-yao * Abstract Japan took over Taiwan as its first colony in The colonial government in Taiwan soon established an elementary school (kogako) system for Taiwanese children in The National Language (i.e. Japanese; kokugo) was considered the most important subject taught. Until Japan ended its rule in Taiwan in 1945, the colonial government had issued five editions of the Japanese readers. These Japanese readers were abundant in illustrations. Taiwanese were depicted in different ways in each edition. What were the basic variations that outlined the images of Taiwanese in the five editions of Japanese readers? What kind of self-images did the colonial educators intend the Taiwanese children to acquire? How were these images related to actual social scene? Can we grasp changes in the cultural policies adopted by the colonizer through the images of Taiwanese illustrated in those readers? These are the questions this article sets out to answer. A careful examination of these readers reveals that the images of Taiwanese shifted between what Taiwanese were commonly known to be and what Taiwanese should become in the eyes of the colonial government. It is a story of reality and norm. In the first edition, the images of Taiwanese reflected to a great extent what Taiwanese usually were, although normative attitudes can be detected. Thus, we see women with bound feet, men wearing plaited hair (a queue) and traditional Taiwanese (Manchu-Chinese) clothes, but girls of tender ages were not foot-bound and opium-smoking was nowhere to be seen. The Taiwanese appearing in the second edition had new images men and boys cut their hair short (Western style), while women and girls no longer bound their feet. This did not * Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica.

154 147 reflect the real situation at that time. Although men would soon discard the traditional hair-style, the practice of foot-binding took longer time to disappear. The third edition illustrated Taiwanese boys in Western clothes, and the so-called Japanese life style (naichi fu) also gained visibility. For instance, Taiwanese children started wearing kimono. In other words, the self-image of Taiwanese children was Japanized to some extent. The fourth edition began to appear in Soon there would come the fifth (and final) edition in The images of Taiwanese illustrated in these two editions were strongly normative. The Taiwanese wore either Western clothes or kimono, living a Japanese way of life. This was the period ( ) when the colonial government fervently carried out the movement of making Taiwanese the imperial subjects (kominka undo). In textbook illustrations, it became almost impossible to discern who was Taiwanese and who was Japanese. In sum, the Taiwanese depicted in earlier editions of Japanese readers reflected more of the social reality on the island, while later ones more of the images expected of the colonized by the colonizer. The images of Taiwanese illustrated in the Japanese readers also reveal to a large degree the cultural policies adopted by the colonial government at different stages during its 51-year rule of Taiwan. The policies started from one that respected Taiwanese native customs (kyukan onzon) and ended in one that campaigned to make Taiwanese into true Japanese. Keywords: colonial education in Taiwan, Japanese language readers (kokugo tokuhon), illustrations in textbooks, images of Taiwanese, kominka movement.

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156 34 BIBLID (2004)34p ~ ** 1912~1937 NSC H **

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200 193 The South China and South Seas Policy of Taiwan Governor-General: Focusing on Its Measure of Subsidizing Business Chung, Shu-min * Abstract This article is to investigate the South China and South Seas policy of Taiwan Governor-General before the World War. It studies the Governor-General s policy of subsidizing Japanese business in Southeast Asia, which accounts for about 40 percent of the budget concerning with South China and South Seas policy, and discusses its significance for the external relations of colonial Taiwan. Four points are highlighted here. First, the change in Taiwan Governor-General s geographical definition of South China and South Seas reflects the shift of its interest. Second, the ends of South China and South seas policies are fundamentally different. The former is to deal with the Taiwanese working in South China and its power rested with the Authority of the Police. The latter is mainly to provide aids to the enterprises of the Japanese in Southeast Asia, and here no much room is left for the Taiwan Governor-General to operate. However, it still plays an important role in Japan s southward expansion while Japanese enterprises at home largely ignored the South Seas. Third, as a measure of subsidy, a large number of Taiwanese laborers had been sent to the Plantation of Kuhara in North Borneo. Looking like a simple movement of labor, it hides in reality the narrow-mindedness of the Japanese. Fourth, the Taiwan Governor-General did not achieve its aim, main because Taiwan was lack of industrialization. However, as Japanese goods faced boycotts in Southeast Asia, the Taiwan Governor-General, from experience in South China, realized that the Taiwanese could be used to help maintaining a market for Japanese goods. For this it started to change its attitude toward the Taiwanese, who * Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica.

201 194 were thereupon depended on to deal with the overseas Chinese. The policy of South Seas thus became consistent with that of South China in the idea of making use of the Taiwanese. Keywords: South China and South Seas Policy, Taiwan Sekimin (Taiwanese People), Den kenziro, the South Seas Association, Inoue Masazi, Hayashi Kennosuke, Kuhara Husanosuke, North Borneo.

202 34 BIBLID (2004)34p ~ * *

203

204 Dorothy Borg 6 B. Winston Kahn 7 3 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935, Vol. III (Washington: United States Government Printing Office 1952) I 竝 Dorothy Borg, The United States and the Far Eastern Crisis of (Cambridge, M. A.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964), l B. Winston Kahn, Doihara Kenji ( )and the North China Autonomy Movement (Tempe: Arizona State Univ. Center for Asian Studies, 1973).

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206 Borg, op. cit., preface

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210 203 6/4 ~6/6 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 6/18 ~6/19 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 6/25 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 8/28 ~8/29 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 11/6 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 12/11 ~12/12 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( )

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212 竝 295

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221 James B. Crowley, Japan s Quest for Autonomy: National Security and Foreign Policy, (New Jersey: Princeton Univ., 1966),

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232 225 Leith Loss 竝

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235 ~ ~ Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935, Vol. III, 367, 榘 榘

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253 246 Factions and Diplomacy in China in 1935: A Study of the North China Autonomy Movement Li, Chun-shan * Abstract The North China Autonomy Movement () was a separatism which the Japanese deliberately created through negotiation with the local warlords North China in This movement was fostered by the Japanese with their attempt to weaken the rule of the Nationalist Government (Nanjing) in North China and was regarded as a crucial step for them to attain the final goal of conquering the whole of China. This paper, based on the recently opened Archives of President Chiang Kai-shek ( or ), is a study of this critical event. It tries to analyze the factions and diplomacy in China in the 1930s, especially focusing on the conflict between Chiang Kai-shek and Song Zhe-yuan (), commander of the Nationalist 29th Army in North China. In addition, the paper discusses the complicated and strained relationship that developed between China and Japan over the years before the Sino-Japanese War. Keywords: North China Autonomy Movement, Song Zhe-yuan (Sung Che-yüan), Sino-Japanese relation, Doihara Kenji ( ). * Assistant Professor, Department of History, National Chung Hsing University.

254 34 BIBLID (2004)34p ~ ~1975 * ** * NSC H **

255

256 1961~ Bundesnachrichtendienst BND Oskar Munzel 1899 ~ Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv 2 Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes PA, B 14-IIA7/Bd. 1937, Vortragsnotiz Gehlens für von Brentano, May 29, ~ Chern Chen, Deutsche Militärberater in Taiwan. Die deutsch-nationalchinesischen Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 51/3(2003, München),

257 Allied Control Authority in Ger , Memorandum for Chiang Kai-shek, March 11, , Wedemeyer to Chiang Kai-shek, March 30,

258 1961~ Stuttgart Hamburg Berlin-Blocade

259 Konrad Adenauer 13 W Hallstein Doctrine 14 Alleinvertretung 12 Friedemann Bedürftig, Taschenlexikon Deutschland nach 1945 (München: Piper, 1998, 115. Deutschlandvertrag 13 Konrad Adenauer, Erinnerungen (Stuttgart: DVA, 1994), Aussenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Dokumente von 1949 bis 1994 (Köln: Verl. Wiss. und Politik, 1995), Dokument 34, Willy Brandt Ostpolitik

260 1961~ Dr. Ernst Majonica 1920~ Deutsch-Chinesische Gesellschaft 15 PA, B 44/vol. 670, Aufzeichnung, November 11, PA, B 44/vol. 670, Aufzeichnung, November 23, PA, B 12/vol. 657A, Generalkonsulat Hongkong an das Auswärtige Amt, June 5, ~ 20 CDU Rudolf Vierhaus and Ludolf Herbst eds., Biographisches Handbuch der Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages (München: Saur, 2002),

261 PA, B 12/vol. 658, Majonica an Legationsrat Strätling, December 30, PA, B 12/vol. 657A, von Brentano an Majonica, October 7, Willy Brandt to Dietrich Rollmann, May 15, PA, B 37/vol. 519, Aufzeichnung, July 15, Werner Kilian, Die Hallstein-Doktrin. Der diplomatische Krieg zwischen der BRD und der DDR Aus den Akten der beiden deutschen Außenministerium (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), PA, B 44/vol. 813, Ministerialdirektor Reute an Generalkonsulat Hongkong, January 3, 1967.

262 1961~ Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10, 2003, Munich. Joachim Urban, 1922~ Abt. III: Auswertung Fernost 29 Peter F. Müller/Michael Mueller, Gegen Freund und Feind. Der BND: Geheime Politik und schmutzige Geschäfte (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 2002), 325.

263 Strategische Aufklärung Wolfgang Langkau Reinhard Gehlen 1902~1979 Fremde Heere Ost Organisation Gehlen CIA PA, B1/vol. 129, Strauß an von Brentano, November 2, Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10, Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, Undercover: Der BND und die deutschen Journalisten (Köln: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1998), 198, , 293; Heinz Höhne/Hermann Zolling, Pullach intern: General Gehlen und die Geschichte des Bundesnachrichtendienstes (Hamburg: Campe, 1975),

264 1961~ Franz Josef Strauß 1915~ Militärischer Abschirmdienst MAD Gerhard Wessel 1913~ Archiv für Christlich-Soziale Politik, NL Strauß BMVg:517, Strauß an Gehlen, March 29, 1962; PA, B 1/vol. 129, Strauß an von Brentano, November 2, ~ Reinhard Teuber, Die Bundeswehr (Norderstedt: Militair-Verlag, 1996), 58, 113; Christian Zweng ed., Die Dienstlaufbahnen der Offiziere des Generalstabes des deutschen Heeres , vol. 2 (Osnabrück: Zeller, 1998), Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10, Reinhard Gehlen, Der Dienst. Erinnerungen (Mainz: von Hase & Koehler, 1971), 345ff.; Norbert Frei ed., Karrieren im Zwielicht, Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, October 20,

265 CIA Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, Schnüffler ohne Nase: Der BND. Die unheimliche Macht im Staate (Düsseldorf: Econ, 1993), 186, CIA 171~ Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10, Peter F. Müller/Michael Mueller, Gegen Freund und Feind, Heinz Höhne/ Hermann Zolling, Pullach intern, 259.

266 1961~ Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv ( BA-MA), N 447/90, Herz an Munzel, January 30, BA-MA, N 447/90, Urban an Munzel, January 14, PA, B 44/vol. 813, Vermerk über Chinapolotik, March 28, 1966; Akten zur Auswärtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1963 (München: Oldenbourg, 1994), Dokument 465: Aufzeichnung des Legationsrats I. Klasse Wickert, December 11, 1963.

267 Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10,

268 1961~ Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, October 20, ~ Monte R. Bullard, The Soldier and the Citizen: The Role of the Military in Taiwan s Development (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1997),

269 262 Hans von Seeckt Alexander von Falkenhausen 59 Bodo von Stein Erich Stoelzner Chern Chen, Deutsche Militärberater in Taiwan. Die deutsch-nationalchinesischen Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg, /2 Stoelzner to Chu Chia-hua, April 1, 1950, June 18, 1950, June 24, ~ BA-MA, N 246/17, Hsueh Chi-hao an Falkenhausen, August 5, 1947

270 1961~ Foreign Relations of the United States, , Vol. XXII: Northeast Asia (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1996), No. 151: Memorandum of Conversation between Chiang Kai-shek and Kirk, September 6, Karl Lott Rankin, China Assignment (Seattle: UP of Washington, 1964), ~ Friedrich W. von Mellenthin, Schach dem Schicksal. Ein deutscher Generalstabsoffizier berichtet von seiner Herkunft, seinem Einsatz im Zweiten Weltkrieg und seinem beruflichen Neubeginn nach dem Kriege (Osnabrück: Biblio, 1988), ; John A. English/Bruce I. Gudmundsson, On Infantry (Westport: Praeger, 1994), 98. Poor Man s War 66 Oskar Munzel, Erinnerungen (Manuscript), 46-50; Joachim Tzschaschel, Zeitseuge in

271 Bundeswehr Walther 1900~1982 Wenck Bagdad, Algier, Saigon. Erinnerungen eines deutschen Militärattachés (Frankfurt a. M.: Haag+Herchen, 2000), Wilhelm Fahrmbacher, 1888~ Detlef Bald/Johannes Klotz/Wolfram Wette, Mythos Wehrmacht. Nachkriegsdebatten und Traditionspflege (Berlin: Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, 2001), Friedrich W. von Mellenthin, Schach dem Schicksal, Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, October 20, 2003.

272 1961~ Bernhard Faerber Gottfried Garzini Dermot Bradley, Walther Wenck. General der Panzertruppe (Osnabrück: Biblio, 1985), , Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, October 20, Munster Truppenamt Oskar Munzel, Erinnerungen, Oskar Munzel, Erinnerungen, BA-MA, N 447/90, Chang Chi-yun an Munzel, September 20,

273 Advisory Group MAAG BA-MA, N 447/90, Chang Chi-yun an Munzel, June 17, Paul Jordan, 1910~2000 Kurt Kauffmann, 1912~ ~ ~327 Gerd Volkmann Albert Prell Herbert Tilgner Klaus Vollmer 81 Oskar Munzel, Erinnerungen, 57.

274 1961~ BA-MA, N 447/89, Grundzüge des Arbeitsprogramms für das Ming-teh Projekt ~129

275 BA-MA, N 447/62, Die Arbeiten der Ming-teh Gruppe , ~345

276 1961~ BA-MA, N 447/90, Munzel an Dethleffsen, March 21, ~ BA-MA, N 447/90, Munzel an Dethleffsen, March 21, Oskar Munzel, Erinnerungen,

277 ~90, M51A ~ ~

278 1961~ ~91 99 PA, B 44/vol. 304, Das Bundesministerium der Verteidigung an das Auswärtige Amt, August 6, ~ ~ ~7 München Bölkow Düsseldorf Rheinmetall

279 272 MBB Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm GmbHBO-105 Milan Roland Kormoran Interview with Hans Joachim Urban, December 10, Joachim Tzschaschel, Zeitseuge in Bagdad, BA-MA, N 447/90, Munzel an Liu An-chi, December 5, BA-MA, N 447/90, Herz an Munzel, January 30, 1969;

280 1961~ Generalstabslehrgang Mittlere Führung ~ PA, B 14-IIA7/vol. 767, Der Bundesminister der Verteidigung an das Auswärtige Amt, July 9, 1963; Der Bundesminister der Verteidigung an das Auswärtige Amt, March 2, ~ PA, B 14-IIA73/vol. 767, Der Bundesminister der Verteidigung an das Auswärtige Amt, March 2, 1962; Ulrich de Maizière, In der Pflicht. Lebensbericht eines deutschen Soldaten im 20. Jahrhundert (Bonn: Mittler & Sohn, 1989, Führungsakademie

281 PA, B 14/vol. 1885, Das Auswärtige Amt an das Bundesministerium der Verteidigung, October 12, Archiv für Christlich-Soziale Politik, NL Strauß BMF:117, Brandt an Strauß, March 23, 1968.

282 1961~ Reinhard Gehlen, Der Dienst, Reinhard Gehlen, Der Dienst, BA-MA, N 246/19, von Falkenhausen an Chiang Wego, October 5, 1952; Chiang Wego an von Falkenhausen, January 16, 1953.

283 ~

284 1961~

285 278 / Oskar Munzel Bernhard Faerber Gottfried Garzini Oskar Munzel Gerd Volkmann Oskar Munzel Wilhelm Wissman Gerd Volkmann Albert Prell Herbert Tilgner Oskar Munzel Albert Prell Klaus Vollmer Oskar Munzel Paul Jordan Theodor von Dufving Oskar Munzel Cord von Hobe Joachim H. Nagel Paul Jordan Alfred Jaedtke Oskar Munzel Heinz-Günther Koch Alfred Jaedtke Oskar Munzel Kurt Kauffmann Alfred Jaedtke Siegfried Krüger Rudolf Krüger Kurt Kauffmann Dr. Manfred Kublitz Nov. 9, 1963 Nov. 9, 1963 Feb. 4, 1964 March 16, 1965 April 2, 1965 Oct. 22, 1966 Oct. 26, 1966 Oct. 26, 1966 Jan. 19, 1967 Jan. 19, 1967 Jan. 25, 1968 Jan. 25, 1968 March 16, 1968 Dec. 7, 1968 Jan. 18, 1969 Jan. 18, 1969 Feb. 19, 1970 Feb. 19, 1970 Feb. 19, 1970 Aug. 6, 1970 Aug. 6, 1970 Feb. 5, 1971 Feb. 5, 1971 Feb. 5, 1971 Jan. 14, 1972 March 5, 1972 Jan. 14, 1972 Jan. 14, 1972 Jan. 14, 1972 Jan. 15, 1973 Jan. 15, 1973 May 2, 1964 Jan. 3, 1964 April 5, 1964 May 30, 1965 May 30, 1965 March 18, 1967 Nov. 27, 1966 Dec. 14, 1966 March 18, 1967 March 18, 1967 May 22, 1968 March 10, 1968 May 15, 1968 March 6, 1969 July 17, 1969 July 24, 1969 May 8, 1970 May 8, 1970 May 8, 1970 Dec. 5, 1970 Dec. 5, 1970 May 14, 1971 May 14, 1971 May 14, 1971 April 1972 June 15, 1972 April 1, 1972 June 15, 1972 June 15, 1972 May 11, 1973 May 11, 1973

286 1961~ Friedrich-Wilhelm Boehme Josef W. Rettemeier Horst Riemann Konrad van Beuningen Dr. Reinhold A. Klebe Kurt Kauffmann Konrad van Beuningen Friedrich-Wilhelm Boehme Horst Riemann Dr. Manfred Kublitz Josef W. Rettemeier Dr. Reinhold A.Klebe Oskar Munzel Heinz Schneider Kurt Kauffmann Konrad van Beuningen Friedrich-Wilhelm Boehme Horst Riemann Dr. Manfred Kublitz Josef W. Rettemeier Dr. Reinhold A. Klebe Jan. 15, 1973 May 11, 1973 Jan. 15, 1973 May 11, 1973 Jan. 15, 1973 May 11, 1973 Jan. 15, 1973 May 11, 1973 Jan. 15, 1973 May 11, 1973 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Jan. 28, 1974 May 25, 1974 Oct. 6, 1974 Oct. 6, 1974 Nov. 8, 1974 Nov. 8, 1974 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11, 1975 Jan. 15, 1975 May 11,

287 280 The Military Exchange between West Germany and Nationalist China during the Cold War, Chen, Chern * Abstract After Nationalist China severed diplomatic relation with Germany in July of 1941, the close political and diplomatic relations established from the 1930s failed to resume. The Cold War began after the end of World War II. Limited by her One Germany policy, the newly formed West Germany tried to avoid getting involved in the controversy over sovereignity on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. Except for the economic and cultural activities existing between these two countries, it was extremely difficult to set up any political channels for dialogue. Although there were no diplomatic relations between these two countries, West Germany and Nationalist China still maintained unofficial relation with each other by means of intelligence cooperation, military advisers, and officer training program from the 1960s. Until 1972 when West Germany recognized the Peking regime and decided to interrupt the military exchange, West Germany and Nationalist China had overcome political obstacles and opened up new political space through military exchanges and intelligence cooperation outside traditional diplomatic channels. The exchanges not merely maintained connections between these two countries at government levels after the war, but also gave a special historical significance to the bilateral relations within the international framework of the Cold War. Keywords Cold War, military exchange, One Germany policy, intellegence cooperation, military advisers. * Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica.

288 34 BIBLID (2004)34p ~ The Problem of the Authorship of the Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa: A Re-examination Chou, Po-kan * Abstract This paper accounts for why Chinese Buddhists believe that Nāgārjuna is the author of the Mahāprajñāparamitodeśa, the commentary on the Pañcavim%śatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra. It refutes past theories on the authorship of the text which proceed from the perspective of Indian Buddhism, and proposes a new theory which ascribes the authorship to Sengrui s editorship that reflects the intellectual situation of Chinese Buddhism of the early fifth century. The authorship issue is actually of a historical event rather than a personal identity. For this new theory, the paper investigates the intellectual activities of Kumārajīva and Sengrui, the translation process, and compares terminological differences and textual variations between the old and new translations of the Sūtra and accompanied doctrinal explanations in the commentary. Keywords: Mahāprajñāparamitodeśa, Pañcavim%śatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra, Kumārajīva, Sengrui, Nāgārjuna, translation of Buddhist scritpures. * Associate Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan University.

289 282 I. Sengrui (352?-436?) II. Kumārajīva ( ) III. The Translation Process IV. Literary Form V. A Terminological Examination VI. Textual Variations VII. Sengrui as Editor of the Text VIII. The Borderland Phobia IX. Conclusion This paper is an attempt to resolve a protracted dispute over the authorship of the Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa (Dazhidu Lun, abbreviated as DZDL hereafter) --whether or not it is the work of the great Indian Mādhyamika philosopher, Nāgārjuna. The DZDL is a commentary on the Pañcavim%śatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (The Sūtra of Transcendental Wisdom in Twenty-five Thousand Lines, or, in Chinese, Dapin Jing, Large the Version of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra, abbreviated hereafter LPP). This work, which has almost one million Chinese characters and one hundred chapters, is the largest in the extant Buddhist exegetical literature. 1 Kumārajīva translated it into Chinese upon the request of the Buddhist king of the Later Qin dynasty, Yao Xing, from the summer of 402 to the twelfth month of 405. Chinese Buddhists have since relied upon this single text to study the highly dialectical and opaque Mahāyāna Buddhist doctrine of prajñāpāramitā, and have firmly believed Kumārajīva s assertion that Nāgārjuna is its author. This assertion was never questioned until recently, first by E. Lamotte and then by other Buddhist scholars. In 1944, while publishing his first annotated French translation of the 1 According to testimonies of contemporary Chinese Buddhists, Kumārajīva only translated the commentary on the first chapter of the LPP in full and abridged it beyond Chapter I. Otherwise the DZDL would be ten times longer than it now is.

290 The Problem of the Authorship of the Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa: A Re-examination 283 DZDL, Lamotte suspected that the work is not by Nāgārjuna, a southern Indian, as conventionally claimed, but by a Sarvāstivādin convert to Mahāyāna Buddhism in Kashmir in the early fourth century. His suspicion finally materialized in 1970 in a long essay in the third volume of the French translation of the DZDL. 2 Lamotte s startling discovery attracted the attention of many other Buddhist scholars. Conze follows Lamotte s suggestion by saying that Kumārajīva, the translator, was himself such a convert, and thus implies that Kumārajīva was the author of the DZDL. 3 Hikata pointed out the many explanatory passages, such as it is meant in Chinese, which are only sensible as being addressed to Chinese, rather than Indian, readers, advocating that the text was basically written by Nāgārjuna, but with many additions or insertions by Kumārajīva. 4 Tucci thinks that there could be two: one is the great Mādhyamika philosopher and the other is the author of the DZDL. 5 Yet some scholars, like Ramanan and Venerable Yinshun, still hold the conventional view. 6 Yinshun particularly argues against Lamotte, contending that Lamotte confused two branches of the Abhidharmic study in northwestern India, the Dār!s!tāntikin in Gandhāra and the Sarvāstivādin in Kashmir, by mistaking the former for the latter. Yinshun thinks that the DZDL accepts the former for its liberal view, while rejecting the latter for its conservative view, of Abhidharmic learning; in no way could the author once have been a Sarvāstivādin scholar-monk, as Lamotte suggests. Yinshun also rejects Hikata s addition 2 E. Lamotte, Introduction, Le Trait de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse vol. III (Louvain: Universit de Louvain, 1970), v-lxviii. 3 E. Conze, The Prajñāpāramitā Literature (Tokyo: Reiyukai, 1978), R. Hikata, Suvikrāntavikrāmi-paripr!cchā Prajñāpāramitā-Sūtra (Fukuoka: Kyushu University Press, 1958), lii-lxxv. 5 Giuseppe Tucci, Review of Le Trait de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse, by E. Lamotte, East and West, n.s., 22, nos.3-4, 1972, 367. In regard to the problem as to how many Nāgārjunas there are, see Ian Mabbett, The Problem of the Historical Nāgārjuna Revisited, Journal of the American Oriental Society 118.3, 1998, ; Jan Y n-hua, Nāgārjuna, One or More? History of Religions 10, 1970, K. Venkata Ramanan, Nāgārjuna s Philosophy (Varanasi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, 1971), 13.

291 284 theory by attributing wrong rhetoric and phraseology in the Chinese translation to Sengrui, Kumārajīva s Chinese amanuensis, rather than to Kumārajīva himself. 7 Under further scrutiny, their arguments, however, become contradictory, with historical accounts going one way or another. First, if, as Lamotte suggests, the DZDL is not Nāgārjuna s work, then the scholarship and integrity of the learned Kumārajīva becomes questionable. Yet, as an earnest follower and promulgator of Mādhyamika Buddhism, he was unlikely to fail to recognize the author of this text, or to deceive Chinese Buddhists while honestly informing them of the right Indian authors of other Buddhist works in his translation. Second, it is indeed unusual that Indian and Tibetan Buddhism is silent about this work, since Nāgārjuna is well-known and this work is huge. However, also noteworthy is that no Chinese Buddhists who later went to Central Asia and India to seek the Dharma reported this work as forged. Since Chinese scholar-monks have always been sensitive about the authenticity of a Buddhist scripture, the absence of such negative reports effectively nullifies Lamotte s suspicion and Conze s suggestion. Besides, the Chinese translation of The Life of Nāgārjuna (, T #2047) does record that Nāgārjuna wrote the [Mahāprajāparamitā]- upadeśa. 8 Third, Kumārajīva wished that he could write a Mahāyāna vibhāśā. 9 The DZDL is actually very much like a vibhāśa in terms of expository style 7 Yinshun, Dazhidulun Zhi Fanyi Jiqi Zuozhe, Dongfang Zongjiao Yanjio, n.s., 2, 1991, T 50, p. 184c. One may contend that The Life of Nāgārjuna is not written by Kumārajīva because Sengyou s Chu Sanzang Jiji (, The Collection on Accounts of the Translation of the Tripitaka into Chinese, abridged as CSZJJ hereafter), the most reliable Chinese Buddhist catalogue of the early sixth century, does not mention this work in the list of Kumārajīva s works. This contention is untenable, for part of the text can be found in Kumārajīva s own explanation of the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa in 406 C.E. (T 38, p. 339c). In other words, if not in entirety, the completion of this work must be based upon the accounts Kumārajīva provided. 9 Vibhāśā, literally meaning extensive analysis, is a kind of expository work made by collecting different interpretations of Buddhist tenets.