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1 MALAYSIAN AND HONG KONG EMPLOYERS PERCEPTION AND ATTITUDES Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 1

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3 Table of Contents 3. Penelitian tentang Persepsi dan Sikap Majikan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong terhadap Pekerja Rumah Tangga Asing - RINGKASAN EKSEKUTIF CARAM Asia s National and Regional Advocacy Tenaganita St. John s Cathedral HIV Education Centre Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 1

4 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers Executive Summary Prepared by CARAM Asia, St. John's Cathedral HIV Education Centre, TENAGANITA and Merdeka Center for Opinion Research Background The systematic gross violations of foreign domestic workers (FDWs) fundamental rights are a direct consequence of them not being recognised as workers and therefore not protected under most national laws. The Malaysian Employment Act 1955 addresses FDWs as servants. FDWs do not have the rights for a weekly day off, no annual leaves and all other labour rights entitled to other categories of workers. They can only claim for unpaid wages. It is this very policy of exclusion that has made domestic workers vulnerable to widespread abuse, including all forms of violence, particularly sexual and mental violence to the point of systemic torture, denial of rest time and vulnerable to occupational health hazards with little or no access to treatment and care. Comparatively, Hong Kong is one of the few places in the world that grants most of the fundamental labour rights to FDWs. The Employment Ordinance and the Employees Compensation Ordinance established labour rights for FDWs that cover rest days, holidays and annual leaves, maternity protection and rights to unionise etc. With such distinctive legislative background for FDWs, CARAM Asia with its network members in Malaysia and in Hong Kong conducted a comparative analysis on the perceptions of employers for FDWs in Malaysia and Hong Kong. There are over 300,000 FDWs in Malaysia while there are over 200,000 FDWs in Hong Kong. Almost all are women. The outcome of this comparative analysis of employers perceptions towards FDWs founded on the lack of legal protection in Malaysia and the relatively better protection in Hong Kong; will feed into CARAM Asia s broader advocacy in the region to call for greater legislative protection. We seek to understand how legislative protection infl uences employers attitude and perceptions towards FDWs. 2 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction This report covers the analysis and discussion of the findings of surveys carried out on behalf of CARAM Asia. The surveys represent a structured process to canvass opinions of Malaysian and Hong Kong employers of foreign domestic workers (FDW) regarding their understanding about regulations and treatment of FDWs. Methodology The Malaysian component of the survey was carried out between 12th March and 11th April 2010 by Merdeka Center on 283 randomly selected employers across Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysia. The survey was conducted by telephone interviews. The Hong Kong component of the survey was carried out by the Social Sciences Research Centre of The University of Hong Kong (HKU) between 17th March and 8th April By using random digit dialing and Computer Assisted Telephone Interview (CATI), the implementer, the Social Sciences Research Centre of HKU contacted and interviewed the opinions of 262 employers across Hong Kong. Respondents Profile A majority (63.6%) of the Malaysian employers responding to the survey were female and the rest (36.4%) were male. In terms of geographic distribution, 55% were from the central region of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor while 35% were from the rest of the country. Another 10% of respondents were from East Malaysia. In Hong Kong, a large majority of respondents were female (74.4%) and 25.6% were male. Summary of the Findings Attitudes towards FDWs A majority of the Malaysian (77.4%) and Hong Kong (82.8%) employers reported that they were satisfi ed with the overall performance and attitude of their FDWs. While a majority of employers cited workbased performance as basis of their satisfaction, a small but significant number of Malaysian employers also reported satisfaction on the workers ability to not go out and mix with others. With respect to infractions on the rights of FDWs, a plurality (31.4%) of Malaysian employers confi rmed NGO reports which noted that long working hours is the most common form of abuse followed by verbal abuse (24.0%) and physical abuse (20.8%). Reported Treatment of FDWs Verbal reprimand or scolding was the preferred form of disciplining FDWs in Malaysia but in Hong Kong, the percentage for verbally reprimanding FDWs is lower and there are also a significant number of employers who prefer verbally reminding workers instead of punishment. When asked how strongly government should take actions against employers who verbally abuse their worker everyday and use vulgar words that put people down, 42.1% of Malaysian employers strongly disagree with punitive measures against such verbal abuse by employers. Interestingly it was found that as the severity of the perceived infraction by FDWs increases, Malaysian employers prefer to refer the matter to third parties, either the employment agency or the police. In the case of Hong Kong, employers were found more likely to terminate if an FDW behaved in an abusive manner towards those under their care. The reasons for termination are also a subject that could also derive assumptions on employers treatment towards FDW. For example, a signifi cant number of Malaysian employers, 15.2% reported that they would terminate their employees if the FDWs left the employers home without permission. This form of action seems to portray employers possessive attitude towards FDWs. Awareness and Knowledge of the Law 68.2% of Malaysian employers perceived that FDWs were suffi ciently protected under Malaysian laws but a signifi cant minority 22.6% felt that they were not. In Hong Kong however, 92% of employers agreed that FDWs are sufficiently protected under Hong Kong labour laws as currently enforced. Despite claiming otherwise, it was found that the vast majority of Malaysian employers were not familiar with laws and regulations that affect the employment of FDWs. Only 6.3% were able to partially name the particular law concerning FDWs. On the other hand, 47% of Hong Kong employers showed awareness of the laws. The employment agencies were the primary source of information about laws on FDW both for Malaysian and Hong Kong employers, followed by the media and immigration department or labour department (in the case of Hong Kong). Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 3

6 Attitude towards Law Enforcement and Compliance The survey found that Hong Kong employers generally accepted the regulations currently enforced. However the survey discovered that Malaysian employers were only acceptable to minimum regulations that relate to the employment of FDWs but were less accommodating towards rules which recognize them as ordinary workers. In fact a majority of employers accepted that FDWs should work for the purpose they were hired, be provided with accommodation, be covered by insurance and provided a copy of the work contract in their language. However a majority of Malaysian employers did not agree to giving workers a day-off work each week nor pay allowances if workers were made to work more than 14 hours each day. A signifi cant minority of Malaysians (and sometimes a majority) disagreed that the government should take actions against certain forms of negative behaviour of employers. Therefore these Malaysian employers have a tendency to shun punitive measures against exploitative employers. They appeared ready to condone behaviour that deny FDWs their basic rights. The survey reveals signifi cant differences between the attitudes of Hong Kong and Malaysian employers in their attitude towards FDWs. It was found that the average Hong Kong employer viewed and treated their FDWs as workers, Malaysians were more likely to view them as servants. It is important to note that proper laws, recognition through regulations and effective enforcement of laws tend to bring positive perceptions and understanding of FDWs as seen in the Hong Kong employers feedback. In the Malaysian case, employers preferred to maintain status quo that has benefited them. This view pervaded in their attitudes towards treatment of the FDWs and also likely influenced their reservations about accepting proposals towards regulations that afford better protection of the rights of FDWs. The authorities of both Hong Kong and Malaysia have stated goals to reduce dependence on foreign domestic workers yet appeared to have taken different strategies to achieve them. The authorities in Hong Kong adopted measures which raised the threshold on FDWs rights and imposed more stringent regulations that were more in line with its own labour laws alongside implementing procedures that eased immigration processes while the authorities in Malaysia seem to take into consideration some issues raised by NGOs and countries of origin like Indonesia but none of the proposals have been translated into regulations and amendments to the labour laws. Is this a consequence of objections raised by employers and employment agencies? The net effect of these strategies appear to be higher acceptance of Hong Kong employers towards laws that protect the FDWs but at the same time afforded them protection by freeing access to hire FDWs. The higher compliance obligations and perhaps better public education of Hong Kong employers is attributed to the fact that 47% of Hong Kong employers had some knowledge of employment laws. The alarmingly low number of Malaysian employers 6% - with knowledge of the law indicated that employers were not adequately informed of FDWs legal rights and employers responsibilities. Despite their lack of knowledge of the law, around one in five Malaysian employers believed that their national laws protected FDWs, while 53% believed that both employers and FDWs were (presumably equally) protected. Another disturbing insight was the finding that more than half of Malaysian employers disagreed that the government should punish employers who made their FDWs work for more than eight hours without rest in a day (currently FDWs work 14 hours per day without rest days). These views correspond with the public outcry against a CARAM-Asia led campaign for one rest day per week in Malaysia since Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

7 Comparisons between Hong Kong and Malaysia Surveys Attitudes towards FDWs The surveys found that large majorities of employers in Hong Kong and Malaysia were satisfi ed with their FDWs at 83% and 77%, respectively. However when the survey probed further among the Malaysian employers on what they characterized as positive qualities in an FDW, a significant number, 10% reported that it also meant not mixing with friends outside. While a similar question was not fielded to Hong Kong employers in the survey it was however asked in the two focus groups. From there it could be noted that Hong Kong employers tended to refl ect more on the work performance of the FDWs such as effi ciency and awareness about hygiene. Unlike Malaysian employers there were no comments made about preventing FDWs from meeting other people or having a personal life, concerns about restricting the freedom of movement of FDWs did not surface as there appears to be real acceptance of the FDWs rights as stipulated under the Hong Kong labour laws. The more restrictive attitudes possessed by Malaysian employers may stem from the fact that Malaysian labour laws classify domestic workers as servants with few fundamental rights besides stipulating that they be paid their wages regularly. The attitude is also refl ected in the public discourse concerning FDWs in Malaysia where they are called maids in offi cial press reports as opposed to helpers in Hong Kong. Awareness of the Law 43% of respondents in Hong Kong reported that they were aware or very aware of the labour laws in Hong Kong as it relates to FDWs. The relatively low numbers of those that were aware of the Hong Kong regulations point out to the possible attitude that many employers do not take the time to fully understand what the law provides for them and the FDWs. On the contrary, some 65% of the Malaysian employers reported being either somewhat or very aware of the regulations concerning about the employment of FDWs. However, further probing of Malaysian employers found that only 6% were actually able to relate with some detail of the actual regulation indicates that real knowledge about the law is minimal at best amongst them. Nearly one-third (32.1%) of Hong Kong employers reported learning about the labour laws from the labour department while 34.7% reported getting information from the employment agency. Among the Malaysian employers, those who reported learning about it from employment agents number only 29.7% - indicative of the likelihood that many agents do not spend time to adequately talk through the regulations and requirements with employers. While 20.5% reported getting some information from the Immigration Department indicating perhaps a sub-set of the regulations where it pertains to the application for and renewal of work permits for FDWs. Similar to Hong Kong employers, Malaysian employers would come into contact with the regulations when they entered into the contract with the employment agencies. While initial fi ndings showed that significantly higher numbers of Hong Kong employers reported or displayed awareness of the law, those who did so belong to a minority. 92% of Hong Kong employers felt that the labour laws of the region provide adequate protection to FDWs, this stands in contrast to the 68% of Malaysian employers who reported the same for their country. The surveys also found that nearly one-half (49%) of Hong Kong employers view that the region s labour laws provide equal protection to both employers and workers while 44% felt it provided more protection to FDWs. Despite the paucity of laws that protects the basic rights of FDWs, the survey found slightly over half (53%) of Malaysian employers felt it protected both parties while nearly 22% said it protected the FDWs. The employers both in Hong Kong and Malaysia were asked how they would react to hypothetical misbehaviour of their FDWs. In these three hypothetical cases, two observations were made - it was found that Malaysian employers were more likely to resort to verbal reprimand and scolding the FDW as a means of disciplining them. However as the severity of the misbehaviour increases, it was found that unlike Hong Kong employers, Malaysian employers were less likely to resort to termination of the worker, instead many would refer the case to the third parties, in this case either the police or the employment agency to resolve the situation. It is likely that given the high upfront costs and the length of time it takes to hire an FDW, many employers would perhaps be reluctant to immediately terminate the employment of their worker and instead look to refer to the employment agents to resolve the situation for them which involves these agents to counsel these workers or seek a replacement worker. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 5

8 Hyphothetical Misbehaviour by FDW Hong Kong Malaysia Additional Remarks Terminate Verbal reprimand Inform EmploymentAgent/ Authorities Terminate Verbal reprimand Inform Employment Agent/authorities FDWs slaps a child or elderly household member FDW brings a stranger to the employer s home FDW forgets to perform a household chore 52.7% 23.3% 10.3% (Police) 13.4% 38.5% 40.6% (authorities & employment agent) 18.3% 58.0% 1.5% 12.0% 52.7% 30.4% 0.4% 27.9% - 0.7% 84.8% 3.9% In Malaysia, 1.1% may physically punish the FDW Treatment of FDWs Respondents in Hong Kong and Malaysia were asked what they felt to be abusing the powers of employers. In five hypothetical cases, four were illegal and one was not illegal. Not surprisingly the survey found that Malaysian employers were by far more tolerant of potential abuses by employers. Although the exact wordings and hypothetical statements put to employers were modified to suit local discourse, the statements used on Malaysian employers were by far harsher and yet elicited a fairly strong response condoning such potential behaviour. The fi ndings here while hypothetical in nature points to the mindset of employers in Malaysia and the vulnerable and potentially abusive situation that many FDWs may fi nd themselves in. Hypothetical Misbehaviour by Employer in Hong Kong Survey % among Hong Kong Employers % among Malaysian Employers Hypothetical Misbehaviour by Employer in Malaysia Survey Give no food or allowance 5.3% NA Makes FDW work on their rest day without allowance Makes FDW work in places other than originally agreed household 6.1% 51.2% 13.0% 42.7% Making the maid work for more than 8 hours without rest in one day continuously Making the maid perform work other than what was originally hired for Deducting FDW s salary 10.3% 21.9% Does not pay the maid s full salary Verbally reprimanding/scolding FDW 83.6% 42.1% Verbally abuse the maid everyday using vulgar language In the Hong Kong survey the question was worded as follows: According to your standard, do you consider the following to the FDWs to be misusing the power of employers? In Malaysia, the question was worded as follows: How strongly do you agree or disagree that the Government take action on employers if they commit the following? 6 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

9 The questions were worded differently based on the different context of each place, for Hong Kong there is no question of whether the government should take actions or not as it is already regulations in place with punitive measure. While there are as yet no data available on cases of abuse or breach of employment contract by Hong Kong employers, there exists some evidence of abuse cases in Malaysia as documented by NGOs working in this field. The cases recorded by organizations such as Tenaganita as well as embassies of countries of FDW origin form a very small fraction (less than 1%) when compared to the number of FDWs engaged in Malaysia but given a strong likelihood of under-reporting and constraints on enforcement, the potential for abuses may be large in aggregate terms when one considers that there are on average up to 300,000 FDWs serving in Malaysia in any given year. Attitudes towards Improvement of Regulations and Compliance Comparisons between employers from Hong Kong and Malaysia continued to fi nd marked differences in attitudes towards law enforcement. A number of regulatory proposals in Malaysia have already been implemented in Hong Kong. From the results of the survey, we are able to draw some direct observations: Malaysian employers to date are only unanimously acceptable towards basic obligations such as providing proper accommodation The survey showed that a very large majority, nearly 73% of Malaysian employers were positive on providing insurance to FDWs. Currently, insurance premium is a cost included in the calculation of recruitment agency fees which implies that FDWs are already provided with insurance coverage. However as with many such initiatives, there is a perceived lack of monitoring and strong likelihood that FDWs may not actually be provided with the knowledge of how to process their claims. While Hong Kong employers accept that FDWs need their day of rest, Malaysian employers are adamant that workers not be allowed a day off (although surprisingly a majority can accept providing an annual leave). It is suspected that this attitude is systemic in that employers are afraid of their FDWs absconding and forcing them to begin a long and expensive process of hiring a new worker. This observation ties in with the finding that only one out of eight Malaysian employers would allow the FDW to keep her own passport. Actual Regulations in Hong Kong / Regulations proposed by NGOs and international convention but yet to be enacted in Malaysia FDW should only work in the home of her employer Aside from monthly salary, FDW be paid allowances if working more than 14 hours a day % Acceptance by Hong Kong Employers % Acceptance by Malaysian Employers 79.4% 66.8% 49.6% 43.4% FDW be provided with 1 day-off each week 97.8% 34.3% FDW be provided with at least 8 days paid annual leave each year 74.8% 51.6% Provided with proper accommodation facility 98.8% 91.9% Employer must provide insurance for the FDW 96.9% 72.8% FDW be given a copy of contract in her native language 69.5% 83.0% FDWs be included in the proposed statutory minimum wage as that of local workers 32.8% NA The maid s passport should remain in her own possession. NA 12.3% Remarks In the Malaysia survey, the statement was worded: Aside from monthly salary, the maid should also be paid overtime and allowances A subject of recent public discussion in Malaysia with strong disapproval among employers. Not applicable in Malaysia as there is no minimum wage laws at present Not applicable in Hong Kong as immigration procedures are such that FDWs can obtain copies of their passports easily. See footnote below.1 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 7

10 The governments of both Hong Kong and Malaysia have the same stated goals of reducing the dependency on FDWs but the former has taken the step of increasing the threshold placed on employers seeking to employ them not only from the standpoint of qualifying household incomes but also compliance with a set of regulations that go further in their attempt to meet the basic human rights of the FDWs. Although the minimum wage accorded to FDWs is calculated on a different basis when compared to regular workers, the system provides some level of protection and wage competition (although reality shows that the FDW attract much lower real wages compared to the average Hong Kong worker) for the FDW. Some of the procedural elements of the immigration documentation process and regulations in Hong Kong had also been found to help to reduce potential for abuse, for example, in the cases of employers withholding the workers passports. Despite these improvements, some problems remain, as in Malaysia, the duration of time taken to resolve labour disputes is lengthy. Additionally, the FDWs face some constraints in seeking legal redress in such disputes as they are not permitted to be employed pending conclusion of their cases. The high cost of pursuing their disputes mean that a significant number of FDWs end up returning to their countries of origin without the issues being resolved. CONCLUSIONS From the survey results and the comparisons in responses from employers in Hong Kong and Malaysia, several concluding points could be reached: 1. There is a stark difference in the way employers in Malaysia and Hong Kong view FDWs. Malaysians tended to see them as servants with few fundamental rights while those in Hong Kong saw them mostly as regular workers with rights and entitlements. This difference in mindset of employers appears to be one of the most fundamental attributes from which attitudes towards regulation and compliance of the law could be derived. This perception is also developed from regulatory definition which had been institutionalized in societal practice. 2. FDWs in Malaysia and Hong Kong work in generally isolated and individualized conditions in private domain and thus remain vulnerable to abuse. Differences in the regulatory framework and procedures in Hong Kong afford them better protection and more avenues to seek assistance, legal redress, or means to escape abuse. Two main important conditions are the fact that in Hong Kong, FDWs are given weekly day off and hold on to their travel documents such as their passports. However current regulations and procedures in Malaysia provide minimal protection of rights to FDWs thus leading to abusive employment practices and restriction of movement, where FDWs are forced to accept substandard living conditions are deprived of their human rights, unrecognized and excluded from Labor Laws. 3. The survey results showed that FDWs generally perform to the satisfaction of their employers and fulfill the employers needs to balance work and life requirements. For the most part, employers in both Malaysia and Hong Kong were satisfi ed with the roles played by FDWs but there were marked differences in the way this satisfaction was expressed. A signifi cant number of Malaysian employers satisfaction on the FDWs was founded on the obedience of the FDW and their acceptance of restrictions placed on their freedom of movement and social interaction. This is in stark contrast with the work performance orientation of Hong Kong employers. 4. Due to higher obligations to comply and perhaps better public education on these matters, employers in Hong Kong were more aware of the laws and regulations that cover the rights and entitlements of FDWs. In contrast, only a handful (6%) of Malaysian employers showed some awareness of the law that affects the employment of FDWs. In contrast Malaysian employers were generally ignorant of the laws and the protection of the rights of FDWs and not held accountable for their violations. This is in part aided by an absence of a monitoring regime whereas Hong Kong has a stricter enforcement environment. 8 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

11 5. Employers in Malaysia and Hong Kong felt that FDWs were protected under the laws of their respective places. However such views on the part of Malaysian employers were largely infl uenced by their lack of knowledge of the law and general attitudes towards viewing FDWs as servants. This finding is in line with the regulatory definition of such workers in Malaysia, bringing about the public notion a master-servant relationship. Nonetheless, the survey did reveal that nearly one out of every five Malaysian employers does acknowledge that present regulations in Malaysia do not go far enough to protect FDWs. 6. There were also some marked differences in approaches towards disciplining FDW. Malaysian employers tended to resort to more verbal reprimand or scolding as a form of expressing dissatisfaction with their FDWs on most infractions while Hong Kong employers were less likely to do so for minor infractions. Malaysian employers are less likely to resort to legal channels or to directly terminate their FDWs in case of a more serious infraction, for example, when an FDW slaps a child, they would instead refer the FDW to the employment agent for punishment, while more than one-half of Hong Kong employers were ready to terminate the services of the FDW. Comparatively, Malaysian employers are more likely to use verbal abuse for their poor performance whereas in Hong Kong, such infractions will be met with reminders to improve their responsibility. Reflective perhaps of the tensions with the local workforce, the survey in Hong Kong found that the predominant contention was on the matter of allowing FDWs to enjoy the same minimum wage rights as that accorded to citizens. On the other hand, Malaysian employers showed more irresponsible attitudes towards fundamental rights of the FDWs such as getting paid their wages on time, being allowed a day off each week or simply to hold on to their passports. 8. While the survey did not directly measure compliance with regulations, background research on the matter did reveal that efforts of FDWs to seek legal redress in disputes with their employers remained diffi cult in both Hong Kong and Malaysia. While the nature of disputes and cases differed greatly, i.e. those in Malaysia often included abuses of fundamental human rights while that in Hong Kong were disputes arising from non compliance of employment terms; the average FDW still remained in a disadvantaged position to argue their cases in the legal process due to employment restrictions, high costs involved and the lengthy duration needed to process such cases. 7. The general attitude displayed by employers towards regulatory and proposed requirements in Hong Kong and Malaysia showed that enactment of laws with enforcements generally leads to better compliance. Most employers in Hong Kong generally accept regulations that provide for the basic and secondary needs of the FDW such as timely payment of wages and shelter, and freedom of movement and social interaction. Malaysian employers were, however, are only agreeable to employment terms such as payment of wages and providing reasonable living conditions but were not open towards allowing FDWs freedom to move or even to enjoy a weekly day off. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 9

12 RECOMMENDATIONS In a report prepared for the general discussion on migrant workers, which took place during the 92nd Session of the International Labour Conference (ILC 2004), the International Labour Organisation stressed that FDWs are among the world s most vulnerable workers. Their working conditions foster an environment of dependence and isolation, particularly in situations whereby employers confi scate their documents (travel, work and residence); workers are confi ned to their work place and not able to leave without escorts or for valid reasons; limited interaction and contact with the outside world and most work seven days in a week without a day off. All these systematic denial of their labour and human rights dampens their spirit and physical conditions, causing mental instabilities, access to health care and well being and further lead to the denial of their reproductive and sexual rights. The listed rights violations above contribute towards an environment of bonded labour with intense servitude and debt bondage that constitute traffi cking in persons. Moreover, the cycle of abuses that are inflicted on migrant domestic worker will continue until the governments protect the rights of domestic workers by guaranteeing the rights through legally enforceable mechanisms with due oversight and accountability. The results of the surveys along with additional feedback from employers in Hong Kong indicates that greater legislative protection for FDWs in Hong Kong had a positive impact on employers respect for their labor rights as well as produced positive perceptions and attitudes towards their FDWs. Our recommendations include: 1. Malaysia should amend the existing Employment Act to change the term of servant to domestic worker in order to recognize domestic work as work. The government ensure that FDWs are no longer excluded from the rights given to all other category of workers such as weekly day offs, holidays, annual leave entitlements and all other labor rights 2. Due to the specific nature of domestic work and conditions for FDWs, there is a need to have a standard contract for all FDWs regardless of their nationality. Hong Kong has such a standard contract in place but not for Malaysia. In order to ensure the terms stipulated in such standard contracts are enforceable by law, such contract should be attached as an appendix to the Employment Act which is the current legal framework in South Africa. In the Malaysian context some of the proposed terms were included in recommendations made by the Malaysian Bar Council, which among others include stipulating their scope of work, the place of the FDW s employment, duration of the contract with date of commencement, basic monthly salary, working hours with rest periods, and rest days. Further details of the Bar Council s recommendations are attached as Appendix II below. 3. Malaysia should grant freedom of association to FDWs to form their own associations and/ or unions. All ILO member countries are, as a result of their membership of the ILO and the adoption of the 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, committed to the implementation of the ILO Core Conventions in national laws and practices. Malaysia has the obligation to provide for freedom of association and not to have discriminative policies against migrant workers, as prescribed in the ILO Core Conventions. Hong Kong already gave FDWs the rights to form their own trade unions and take collective actions such as demonstrations and marches. Such rights are stipulated in Hong Kong laws. 4. Both governments can facilitate the employment process of foreign domestic workers by providing better orientations to potential employers as well as to FDWs so that both parties can have a clearer understanding of their obligations and rights. The trainings for FDWs should not be outsourced to private agencies who had been charging excessive fees. Instead, governments in collaboration with trade unions or NGOs can jointly conduct these trainings that should not only be focused on skills training but also on rights and obligations of all stakeholders involved. 10 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

13 5. There should be clear guideline for direct recruitment by employers without the involvement of agents. Where agencies are used, they should be regulated in accordance with the ILO Private Employment Agencies Convention, C181, The policy governing employment agencies should ensure that the rights of FDWs are protected and it should not place FDWs into conditions of debt and labor bondage. 6. Host countries should develop a mechanism to enable the prosecution of employers and agents who hold on to the passports of the workers in accordance with the Malaysian and Hong Kong legislations. Passports or any other personal documents should not be kept for safekeeping by any other person. 7. Authorities in the FDWs countries of origin must review the role of agencies at all levels and control the cost accrued that are transferred on to workers, while the governments of Malaysia and Hong Kong must monitor to ensure fees that are already paid by employers are not charged again to the worker. One of the measures both governments of origin and destination countries should consider is to establish a ceiling on placement fees to avoid the problem of debt bondage and excessive profiteering by recruitment agencies. In the current situation, Indonesian FDWs salary can be fully deducted to about six months, as payments to recruitment agencies in Malaysia. Under the Hong Kong Employment Agencies Regulations, the maximum commission that agencies can charge to an FDW is not more than 10% of their monthly salary. However, Indonesian recruitment agents in Indonesia charges much higher fees that resulted in FDWs salaries being deducted in full for seven month. Such debt bondage led to a bonded labour situation for FDWs. It leaves both employer and worker without much choice but stuck to the employment engagement. 9. Since both Malaysia and Hong Kong (China) have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), both governments must therefore ensure the rights stipulated in these conventions are transferred into national law with subsequent monitoring and enforcement. They are duty bound to enforce the CEDAW General Recommendation 26 on Women Migrant Workers which acknowledges that domestic work should be protected by the labor laws. ( bodies/cedaw/docs/gr_26_on_women_ migrant_workers_en.pdf.) 10. Malaysia and Hong Kong should begin to take steps to sign and ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICRMW, 1990). (Full text of the Convention is available at org/english/law/cmw.htm ) 11. Governments, trade unions and employer associations in Malaysia and Hong Kong should take steps to support and later ratify the new International Labor Organizations (ILO) Convention for Domestic Workers and its supplementary Recommendation. 12. Over time, more surveys and other studies should be done to strengthen and protect the rights of FDWs in both destination and their home countries. 8. A more effective mechanism with strong punitive measures should be developed towards ensuring the accountability and public scrutiny of non-state actors in the FDW employment process such as labor recruitment agencies, employers and brokers for any violations against domestic workers. Strict enforcement of the laws and policies will promote compliance among all parties involved. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 11

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20 ohchr.org/english/bodies/cedaw/docs/gr_26_on_ women_migrant_workers_en.pdf www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cmw.htm 18 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

21 Penelitian tentang Persepsi dan Sikap Majikan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong terhadap Pekerja Rumah Tangga Asing RINGKASAN EKSEKUTIF LATAR BELAKANG Pelanggaran sistematis atas hak-hak dasar pekerja rumah tangga asing (PRTA) adalah konsekuensi langsung dari tidak adanya pengakuan bahwa mereka adalah pekerja. Akibatnya mereka tidak dilindungi oleh sebagian besar hukum nasional. Peraturan Ketenagakerjaan Malaysia 1955 menunjuk PRTA sebagai pelayan. PRTA tidak memiliki hak atas hari libur dalam seminggu, tidak ada cuti tahunan, dan tidak mempunyai hak seperti yang dimiliki pekerja lainnya. Mereka hanya bisa mengklaim untuk upah yang tidak dibayarkan. Ini adalah kebijakan yang sangat mengucilkan yang menjadikan pekerja rumah tangga rentan terhadap pelecehan, termasuk segala bentuk kekerasan, terutama kekerasan seksual dan mental sampai beragam bentuk penyiksaan, tidak adanya waktu istirahat dan rentan terhadap bahaya kesehatan kerja karena sedikitnya atau bahkan tidak adanya akses untuk pengobatan dan perawatan. Sebagai perbandingan, Hong Kong menjadi salah satu dari sedikit tempat di dunia yang relatif memberikan sebagian besar hak-hak dasar pekerja untuk PRTA. Peraturan Ketenagakerjaan dan Peraturan Kompensasi Pekerja menetapkan hak-hak PRTA yang meliputi hari istirahat, hari libur dan cuti tahunan, perlindungan bersalin, hak untuk berserikat, dan sebagainya. Dengan latar belakang legislatif khusus untuk PRTA tersebut, CARAM Asia dengan anggota jaringan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong melakukan analisis perbandingan terhadap persepsi majikan PRTA di Malaysia dan Hong Kong. Ada lebih dari PRTA di Malaysia, dan lebih dari PRTA di Hong Kong. Hampir semuanya adalah wanita. Hasil analisis perbandingan tentang persepsi majikan terhadap PRTA didasarkan pada kurangnya perlindungan hukum di Malaysia dan perlindungan yang relatif lebih baik di Hong Kong. Hal ini menjadi masukan advokasi CARAM Asia yang lebih luas di wilayah tersebut dalam meminta perlindungan legislatif yang lebih besar. Kami berusaha memahami bagaimana perlindungan legislatif mempengaruhi sikap dan persepsi majikan terhadap PRTA. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 19

22 RINGKASAN EKSEKUTIF Pengantar Laporan ini mencakup analisis dan diskusi tentang hasil survei yang dilakukan atas nama CARAM Asia. Survei merepresentasikan suatu proses terstruktur dalam meneliti pendapat para majikan Pekerja Rumah Tangga Asing (PRTA) di Malaysia dan Hong Kong mengenai pemahaman mereka tentang peraturan dan perlakuan terhadap PRTA. Metodologi Komponen survei dari Malaysia dilakukan antara 12 Maret sampai 11 April 2010 oleh Merdeka Center terhadap 283 majikan yang dipilih secara acak di seluruh Semenanjung Malaysia dan Malaysia Timur. Survei dilakukan dengan wawancara melalui telepon. Komponen survei dari Hong Kong dilakukan oleh Pusat Penelitian Ilmu Sosial dari Universitas Hong Kong (HKU) antara 17 Maret sampai 8 April Memilih nomor telepon secara acak dan dengan Bantuan Komputer Wawancara Telepon (CATI), Ilmu Sosial Pusat Penelitian HKU menghubungi dan mewawancarai 262 majikan di Hong Kong. Profi l Responden Mayoritas (63,6%) dari majikan Malaysia yang menanggapi survei adalah wanita dan sisanya (36,4%) adalah pria. Dalam hal distribusi geografi s, 55% berasal dari daerah pusat Kuala Lumpur dan Selangor, sementara 35% berasal dari seluruh negara. Hanya 10% responden lainnya berasal dari Malaysia Timur. Di Hong Kong, sebagian besar responden adalah wanita (74,4%) dan 25,6% adalah pria. Ringkasan Temuan Sikap terhadap PRTA Mayoritas majikan Malaysia (77,4%) dan Hong Kong (82,8%) melaporkan bahwa mereka puas dengan keseluruhan kinerja dan sikap PRTA mereka. Sebagian besar majikan menyebut kinerja sebagai dasar kepuasan mereka. Sejumlah kecil, namun signifikan, dari majikan Malaysia juga melaporkan kepuasan pada kemampuan pekerja untuk tidak pergi keluar dan bergaul dengan orang lain. Sehubungan dengan pelanggaran atas hakhak PRTA, sejumlah majikan Malaysia (31.4%) mengonfi rmasi laporan LSM yang mencatat bahwa jam kerja yang panjang adalah bentuk paling umum dari pelecehan, diikuti dengan caci maki (24,0%) dan kekerasan fi sik (20,8%). Perlakuan terhadap PRTA yang Dilaporkan Teguran lisan atau caci maki adalah bentuk yang lebih dipilih untuk mendisiplinkan PRTA di Malaysia. Sementara, di Hong Kong, mencaci maki PRTA persentasenya lebih rendah. Sejumlah besar majikan lebih suka mengingatkan secara lisan daripada menghukum. Ketika ditanya seberapa kuat pemerintah harus mengambil tindakan terhadap majikan yang melecehkan pekerja secara lisan dan menggunakan kata-kata kasar yang menjatuhkan, 42,1% majikan Malaysia sangat tidak setuju jika diambil langkah-langkah hukum terhadap majikan yang menggunakan cara-cara itu. Menariknya, ditemukan bahwa dengan keparahan pelanggaran PRTA yang dirasakan meningkat, majikan Malaysia lebih memilih untuk menyerahkan masalah tersebut kepada pihak ketiga, baik agen tenaga kerja maupun polisi. Di Hong Kong, majikan memilih menghentikan PRTA jika PRTA berperilaku kejam terhadap mereka yang menjadi tanggung jawab para pekerja. Alasan-alasan penghentian juga menjadi permasalahan yang berasal dari asumsi pada perlakuan majikan terhadap PRTA. Sebagai contoh, sejumlah besar majikan Malaysia, 15,2% melaporkan bahwa mereka akan menghentikan pekerja apabila PRTA meninggalkan rumah majikan tanpa izin. Bentuk tindakan ini tampaknya menggambarkan sikap posesif majikan terhadap PRTA. Kesadaran dan Pengetahuan Hukum 68,2% majikan Malaysia merasa bahwa PRTA telah cukup dilindungi oleh hukum Malaysia, tetapi minoritas yang signifikan 22,6% merasa bahwa mereka tidak cukup dilindungi. Namun di Hong Kong, 92% majikan sepakat bahwa PRTA cukup dilindungi oleh hukum Ketenagakerjaan Hong Kong yang saat ini diberlakukan. Meskipun mengklaim sebaliknya, ditemukan bahwa sebagian besar majikan Malaysia tidak akrab dengan hukum dan peraturan yang mempengaruhi kerja PRTA. Hanya 6,3% mampu menyebutkan sebagian nama hukum tertentu tentang PRTA. Di sisi lain, 47% majikan Hong Kong menunjukkan kesadaran hukum. Agen-agen tenaga kerja adalah sumber utama informasi peraturan tentang PRTA, baik untuk majikan di Malaysia maupun di Hong Kong; diikuti oleh media dan departemen imigrasi atau departemen tenaga kerja (dalam kasus di Hong Kong). 20 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

23 Sikap terhadap Penegakan dan Kepatuhan Hukum Survei menunjukkan bahwa majikan Hong Kong umumnya menerima peraturan yang diberlakukan saat ini. Namun, survei menunjukkan bahwa majikan Malaysia hanya dapat menerima ketentuan minimum yang berkaitan dengan mempekerjakan PRTA, tetapi kurang akomodatif terhadap peraturanperaturan yang mengakui mereka sebagai pekerja biasa. Bahkan, mayoritas majikan Hong Kong menerima bahwa PRTA harus bekerja sesuai tujuan mereka dipekerjakan, disediakan akomodasi, dilindungi oleh asuransi, dan diberikan salinan kontrak kerja dalam bahasa mereka. Akan tetapi, sebagian besar majikan Malaysia tidak setuju untuk memberikan pekerja satu hari libur setiap minggu atau membayar tunjangan jika pekerja diminta untuk bekerja lebih dari 14 jam setiap hari. Sejumlah minoritas yang signifikan di Malaysia (dan kadang-kadang mayoritas) tidak setuju bahwa pemerintah harus mengambil tindakan hukum terhadap bentuk-bentuk perilaku negatif majikan. Oleh karena itu, majikan Malaysia memiliki kecenderungan untuk menghindari langkah-langkah hukum terhadap majikan yang eksploitatif. Mereka akan bersikap permisif terhadap perilaku majikan yang tidak mengindahkan hak-hak dasar PRTA. Survei ini menunjukkan perbedaan yang signifi kan antara sikap majikan Hong Kong dan Malaysia terhadap PRTA. Ditemukan bahwa majikan Hong Kong rata-rata melihat dan memperlakukan PRTA mereka sebagai pekerja. Sedangkan, majikan Malaysia lebih cenderung untuk melihatnya sebagai pelayan. Penting untuk dicatat bahwa hukum yang tepat, pengakuan melalui peraturan dan penegakan hukum yang efektif cenderung membawa persepsi dan pemahaman positif tentang PRTA seperti yang terlihat dari hasil umpan balik majikan Hong Kong. Dalam kasus Malaysia, majikan lebih suka mempertahankan status quo yang menguntungkan mereka. Pandangan ini menentukan sikap mereka pada perlakuan terhadap PRTA dan juga cenderung mempengaruhi penerimaan mereka pada rancangan peraturan yang memberikan perlindungan hak-hak PRTA yang lebih baik. Kedua pihak yang berkepentingan, baik dari Hong Kong maupun Malaysia telah menyatakan tujuan untuk mengurangi ketergantungan pada PRTA. Namun, mereka mengambil langkah yang berbeda untuk mencapainya. Pihak berwenang di Hong Kong mengadopsi langkah-langkah yang mengangkat ambang batas hak-hak PRTA dan menerapkan peraturan lebih ketat yang lebih sesuai dengan peraturan ketenagakerjaan di samping menerapkan prosedur yang memudahkan proses imigrasi. Sedangkan, pihak berwenang di Malaysia tampaknya mempertimbangkan beberapa isu yang diangkat oleh LSM dan negara-negara asal seperti Indonesia, tetapi tidak ada usulan yang telah diterjemahkan ke dalam peraturan dan perubahan pada peraturan ketenagakerjaan. Apakah ini akibat dari keberatan yang diajukan oleh para majikan dan agen tenaga kerja? Efek baik dari strategi ini adalah penerimaan yang lebih tinggi dari majikan Hong Kong terhadap peraturan yang melindungi PRTA, tetapi pada saat yang sama mereka diberikan perlindungan dengan akses bebas untuk mempekerjakan PRTA. Kesadaran yang lebih tinggi pada kewajiban dan pendidikan umum yang mungkin lebih baik yang dipunyai majikan Hong Kong ditunjukkan dengan fakta bahwa 47% dari majikan Hong Kong memahami hukum ketenagakerjaan. Jumlahnya sedikit dan sangat mengkhawatirkan (6%) dari majikan Malaysia yang mempunyai pengetahuan tentang hukum. Angka ini menunjukkan bahwa majikan tidak cukup mengetahui tentang hak-hak hukum PRTA dan tanggung jawab majikan. Meskipun kurangnya pengetahuan tentang hukum, sekitar satu dari lima majikan Malaysia percaya bahwa hukum nasional mereka melindungi PRTA, sementara 53% percaya bahwa, baik majikan maupun PRTA (mungkin sama) dilindungi. Hal mengganggu lainnya adalah temuan bahwa lebih dari setengah majikan Malaysia tidak setuju jika pemerintah menghukum majikan yang membuat PRTA mereka bekerja selama lebih dari delapan jam tanpa istirahat dalam sehari (saat ini PRTA bekerja 14 jam per hari tanpa hari libur). Pandangan ini sesuai dengan kemarahan publik terhadap CARAM-Asia yang memimpin kampanye untuk satu hari istirahat per minggu di Malaysia sejak Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 21

24 Survei Perbandingan antara Hong Kong dan Malaysia Sikap terhadap PRTA Survei menemukan bahwa mayoritas besar majikan di Hong Kong dan Malaysia merasa puas dengan PRTA mereka masing-masing 83% dan 77%. Namun ketika survei dilanjutkan, para majikan Malaysia, jumlah yang signifi kan 10%, menyatakan bahwa PRTA yang baik adalah mereka yang juga tidak bergaul dengan teman di luar. Pertanyaan serupa tidak ditujukan untuk majikan Hong Kong dalam survei, namun mereka diminta dalam dua kelompok fokus. Dari situ, bisa dicatat bahwa majikan Hong Kong cenderung mencerminkan kinerja PRTA pada efi siensi dan kebersihan. Tidak seperti majikan Malaysia, di Hong Kong, tidak ada larangan bagi PRTA yang melakukan pertemuan dengan orang lain atau memiliki kehidupan pribadi. Tidak ada kekhawatiran tentang pembatasan ruang gerak PRTA sebagai hak-hak PRTA yang secara kasat mata harus diterima, sebagaimana diatur dalam peraturan ketenagakerjaan Hong Kong. Sikap membatasi yang dilakukan oleh majikan Malaysia mungkin berasal dari kenyataan bahwa peraturan ketenagakerjaan Malaysia menggolongkan pekerja rumah tangga sebagai pelayan dengan sedikit hak-hak dasar di samping menyatakan bahwa mereka akan membayar upah secara teratur. Sikap ini juga tercermin dalam wacana publik mengenai PRTA di Malaysia di mana mereka disebut pelayan, dalam laporan pers resmi, sebagai lawanan dari pekerja di Hong Kong. Kesadaran Hukum Sebanyak 43% dari responden di Hong Kong melaporkan bahwa mereka menyadari atau sangat sadar akan Hukum Ketenagakerjaan di Hong Kong yang berkaitan dengan PRTA. Di Malaysia, majikan yang melek hukum jumlahnya relatif kecil. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa kemungkinan banyak majikan tidak mengambil waktu untuk sepenuhnya memahami apa yang diatur oleh hukum bagi mereka dan PRTA. Sebaliknya, sekitar 65% dari majikan Malaysia melaporkan bahwa mereka agak atau sangat menyadari tentang peraturan yang berkaitan dengan mempekerjakan PRTA. Namun, survei lebih lanjut terhadap majikan Malaysia menunjukkan bahwa hanya 6% yang benar-benar dapat mengenali beberapa detail dari peraturan sebenarnya. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa pengetahuan yang minim tentang hukum adalah hal terbaik yang ada di antara mereka. Hampir sepertiga (32,1%) dari majikan Hong Kong melaporkan belajar tentang hukum ketenagakerjaan dari Departemen Tenaga Kerja, sementara 34,7% dilaporkan mendapatkan informasi dari agen tenaga kerja. Di antara majikan Malaysia, mereka yang melaporkan belajar tentang hal itu dari agen tenaga kerja hanya 29,7% - menunjukkan kemungkinan bahwa banyak agen tidak menghabiskan cukup waktu untuk, bersama majikan, mengikuti peraturan dan persyaratan. Sedangkan, 20,5% dilaporkan mendapatkan beberapa informasi dari Departemen Imigrasi - mungkin menunjukkan seperangkat peraturan yang berkenaan dengan permohonan dan perpanjangan izin kerja untuk PRTA. Mirip dengan majikan Hong Kong, majikan Malaysia akan berhadapan dengan peraturanperaturan ketika mereka mengadakan kontrak dengan agen tenaga kerja. Sementara, temuan awal menunjukkan bahwa secara signifi kan jumlah majikan di Hong Kong dilaporkan atau tampak mempunyai kesadaran hukum lebih tinggi. Mereka yang melakukannya adalah minoritas. Sebanyak 92% majikan Hong Kong merasa bahwa peraturan ketenagakerjaan daerah memberikan perlindungan yang memadai untuk PRTA. Hal ini kontras dengan 68% majikan Malaysia yang melaporkan hal sama untuk PRTA di negara mereka. Survei juga menemukan bahwa hampir satu setengah (49%) dari majikan Hong Kong berpandangan bahwa peraturan ketenagakerjaan memberikan perlindungan yang sama, baik untuk majikan maupun untuk pekerja. Sementara, 44% responden merasa memberikan perlindungan lebih kepada PRTA. Meskipun kurangnya peraturan yang melindungi hak-hak dasar PRTA, survei menemukan bahwa sedikitnya lebih dari setengah (53%) dari majikan Malaysia merasa hukum melindungi kedua belah pihak. Sedangkan, hampir 22% mengatakan bahwa peraturan itu hanya melindungi PRTA. Majikan, baik di Hong Kong maupun di Malaysia ditanya bagaimana mereka akan bereaksi terhadap hipotesis perilaku PRTA mereka. Dalam tiga kasus hipotesis - dua pengamatan dilakukan - ditemukan bahwa majikan Malaysia cenderung menggunakan teguran lisan dan memarahi PRTA sebagai sarana mendisiplinkan mereka. Namun dengan semakin buruknya perilaku, ditemukan bahwa tidak seperti majikan Hong Kong, majikan Malaysia cenderung tidak mengusahakan pemutusan hubungan kerja, bahkan beberapa akan meneruskan kasus kepada pihak ketiga, dalam hal ini polisi atau agen tenaga kerja, untuk mengatasi situasi. 22 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

25 Kemungkinan karena biaya di muka yang tinggi dan lamanya waktu yang dibutuhkan untuk mempekerjakan PRTA, banyak majikan mungkin akan enggan untuk segera memutuskan kontrak kerja PRTA dan merujuk pada agen tenaga kerja untuk mengatasi situasi ini bagi mereka - melibatkan agen ini berarti menasihati para pekerja atau mencari pekerja pengganti. Tabel 1: Hasilnya adalah sebagai berikut Hipotesis Perilaku Salah PRTA Hong Kong Malaysia Keterangan Tambahan Mem berhe ntikan Teguran lisan Mengi nform asikan Agen Tenaga Kerja / Otoritas Mem berhe ntikan Teguran lisan Mengi nform asikan Agen Tenaga Kerja / Otoritas PRTA menampar anak/ orang tua anggota rumah tangga 52.7% 23.3% 10.3% (Polisi) 13.4% 38.5% 40.6% (otoritas & agen tenaga kerja) Di Malaysia, 1.1% mungkin menghukum para PRTA secara fisik PRTA membawa orang asing ke rumah majikan PRTA lupa melakukan pekerjaan rumah tangga 18.3% 58.0% 1.5% 12.0% 52.7% 30.4% 0.4% 27.9% - 0.7% 84.8% 3.9% Perlakuan terhadap PRTA Responden di Hong Kong dan Malaysia ditanya apa yang mereka rasakan dengan penyalahgunaan kekuasaan majikan. Ada lima kasus hipotesis, empat adalah kasus tidak resmi dan satu resmi. Tidak mengherankan jika survei menemukan bahwa majikan Malaysia jauh lebih toleran terhadap potensi pelanggaran oleh majikan. Meskipun kata-kata yang tepat dan hipotesis pernyataan majikan telah diubah agar sesuai dengan wacana lokal, pernyataan digunakan pada majikan Malaysia jauh lebih keras dan belum mendapat tanggapan yang cukup kuat untuk memaafkan perilaku potensial tersebut. Temuan-temuan sebagai hipotesis sementara menunjuk pada pola pikir alamiah para majikan di Malaysia dan situasi rentan serta potensi yang membahayakan di mana banyak PRTA kemugkinan ada di dalamnya. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 23

26 Tabel 2 Hipotesis Perilaku Salah oleh Majikan dalam Survei di Hong Kong % Diantara majikan Hong Kong % Diantara majikan Malaysia Hipotesis Perilaku Salah oleh Majikan dalam Survei di Malaysia Tidak memberikan makanan atau tunjangan 5.3% NA Membuat PRTA bekerja pada hari istirahat mereka tanpa tunjangan Membuat PRTA bekerja di tempat lain selain rumah tangga yang disetujui pada awal 6.1% 51.2% 13.0% 42.7% Membuat pembantu bekerja lebih dari 8 jam tanpa istirahat dalam satu hari terusmenerus Membuat pembantu melakukan pekerjaan selain dari apa yang awalnya dipekerjakan Mengurangi gaji PRTA 10.3% 21.9% Tidak membayar gaji penuh pembantu Menegur lisan / memarahi PRTA 83.6% 42.1% Melecehkan pembantu secara lisan secara kasar Dalam survei di Hong Kong pertanyaannya adalah: Menurut Anda, apakah Anda mempertimbangkan hal-hal di mana PRTA akan menyalahgunakan kekuasaan majikan? Di Malaysia, pertanyaannya adalah: Bagaimana sikap Anda, setuju atau tidak setuju, jika pemerintah mengambil tindakan terhadap majikan yang melakukan tindakan berikut ini? Pertanyaan-pertanyaan itu berbeda berdasarkan konteks yang berbeda dari setiap tempat. Untuk Hong Kong, tidak ada pertanyaan apakah pemerintah harus mengambil tindakan atau tidak karena di sana sudah ada peraturan dengan ukuran hukumnya. Ketika belum ada data yang tersedia dalam kasus penyalahgunaan atau pelanggaran kontrak kerja oleh majikan Hong Kong, ada beberapa bukti kasus pelecehan di Malaysia seperti yang didokumentasikan oleh LSM yang bekerja di bidang ini. Kasus-kasus yang dicatat oleh organisasi seperti Tenaganita serta kedutaan negara-negara asal PRTA membentuk fraksi yang sangat kecil (kurang dari 1%) apabila dibandingkan dengan jumlah PRTA yang terlibat di Malaysia. Namun, harus diingat bahwa kemungkinan besar ada pelanggaranpelanggaran yang tidak dilaporkan ditambah adanya kendala penegakan hukum. Potensi pelanggaran mungkin lebih besar jika ada rata-rata sampai dengan PRTA bekerja di Malaysia pada suatu tahun tertentu. Sikap terhadap Peraturan dan Peningkatan Kepatuhan Perbandingan antara majikan Hong Kong dan Malaysia terus ditemukan perbedaan yang ditandai pada sikap terhadap penegakan hukum. Sejumlah usulan peraturan di Malaysia telah dilaksanakan di Hong Kong. Dari hasil survei, kami dapat menarik beberapa pengamatan langsung: majikan Malaysia sampai saat ini hanya menyetujui tentang kewajiban dasar seperti penyediaan akomodasi yang layak. hasil survei menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas sangat besar, hampir 73% dari majikan Malaysia menyatakan positif pada penyediaan asuransi untuk PRTA. Saat ini, premi asuransi adalah biaya yang dimasukkan dalam perhitungan biaya agen perekrutan. Hal ini menyiratkan bahwa PRTA sudah disediakan perlindungan asuransi. Namun, dari berbagai gagasan tersebut, dirasakan masih kurangnya pengawasan, dan kemungkinan besar para PRTA tidak sungguh-sungguh diberikan pengetahuan tentang bagaimana memproses klaim mereka. Sementara, majikan Hong Kong menerima bahwa para PRTA membutuhkan hari istirahat, majikan Malaysia bersikeras bahwa para pekerja tidak diperbolehkan mendapatkan satu hari libur (walaupun secara mengejutkan mayoritas dapat menerima untuk memberikan cuti tahunan). Diduga sikap ini adalah sistemik - majikan takut PRTA mereka melarikan diri dan mereka terpaksa memulai proses yang panjang dan mahal untuk mempekerjakan pekerja baru. Pengamatan ini berhubungan dengan temuan bahwa hanya satu dari delapan majikan Malaysia yang mengizinkan PRTA menyimpan paspornya sendiri. 24 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

27 Tabel 3 Peraturan aktual di Hong Kong / Peraturan yang diusulkan oleh LSM dan konvensi internasional, tetapi masih harus diberlakukan di Malaysia % Penerimaan oleh Majikan Hong Kong % Penerimaan oleh Majikan Malaysia Keterangan PRTA harus bekerja hanya di rumah majikannya Selain gaji bulanan, PRTA dibayar tunjangan jika bekerja lebih dari 14 jam sehari PRTA disediakan 1 hari istirahat setiap minggu PRTA disediakan minimal 8 hari cuti tahunan. Tetap dibayar. 79.4% 66.8% 49.6% 43.4% 97.8% 34.3% 74.8% 51.6% Dalam survei di Malaysia, pernyataan tersebut Selain dari gaji bulanan, pembantu juga harus dibayar lembur dan tunjangan Subjek diskusi publik baru-baru ini di Malaysia dengan ketidaksetujuan yang kuat di kalangan majikan. Disediakan fasilitas akomodasi yang layak 98.8% 91.9% Majikan harus menyediakan asuransi bagi PRTA PRTA diberikan salinan kontrak dalam bahasa asal mereka PRTA dimasukkan dalam upah minimum yang diusulkan seperti tenaga kerja lokal Paspor pembantu harus tetap dalam kepemilikannya sendiri 96.9% 72.8% 69.5% 83.0% 32.8% NA NA 12.3% Tidak berlaku di Malaysia karena tidak ada peraturan upah minimum saat ini Tidak berlaku di Hong Kong dengan prosedur imigrasi sedemikian sehingga para PRTA dapat memperoleh salinan paspor mereka dengan mudah. Lihat catatan kaki di bawah.3 Pemerintah Hong Kong dan Malaysia memiliki tujuan yang sama untuk mengurangi ketergantungan pada PRTA, namun sebelumnya telah mengambil langkah meningkatkan ambang persyaratan majikan yang ingin mempekerjakan mereka tidak hanya dari sudut pandang kualifi kasi rumah tangga, tetapi juga kepatuhan pada seperangkat peraturan yang lebih jauh dalam upaya memenuhi hak-hak asasi dasar para PRTA. Meskipun upah minimum yang diberikan kepada PRTA dihitung secara berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan pekerja biasa, sistem menyediakan beberapa tingkat perlindungan dan persaingan upah (meskipun kenyataan menunjukkan para PRTA menerima upah riil jauh lebih rendah dibandingkan dengan rata-rata pekerja Hong Kong) untuk para PRTA tersebut. Beberapa elemen prosedural dari proses dokumentasi imigrasi dan peraturan di Hong Kong membantu mengurangi potensi penyalahgunaan, misalnya dalam kasus majikan menyimpan paspor pekerja. Meskipun dengan perbaikan-perbaikan ini, beberapa masalah tetap ada, misalnya lamanya jangka waktu yang dibutuhkan untuk menyelesaikan perselisihan pekerja seperti yang terjadi di Malaysia. Selain itu, PRTA menghadapi beberapa kendala saat mencari ganti rugi hukum dalam perselisihan. Misalnya, mereka tidak diizinkan untuk dipekerjakan sambil menunggu penyelesaian kasus mereka. Tingginya biaya dalam menyelesaikan perselisihan berarti bahwa sejumlah besar PRTA akhirnya kembali ke negara asal mereka tanpa penyelesaian masalah. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 25

28 KESIMPULAN Dari hasil survei dan perbandingan tanggapan dari majikan di Hong Kong dan Malaysia didapatkan beberapa poin kesimpulan: 1. Ada perbedaan mencolok dalam cara pandang majikan terhadap PRTA di Malaysia dan Hong Kong. Malaysia cenderung melihat PRTA sebagai pelayan dengan sedikit hak-hak dasar. Sementara di Hong Kong, sebagian besar melihat mereka sebagai pekerja biasa dengan hak-haknya. Perbedaan dalam pola pikir majikan tampaknya menjadi salah satu atribut paling mendasar di mana sikap terhadap peraturan dan kepatuhan hukum dapat diperoleh. Persepsi ini juga dikembangkan dari definisi peraturan yang telah dilembagakan dalam praktik sosial. 2. PRTA di Malaysia dan Hong Kong umumnya bekerja dalam kondisi terisolasi dan individual dalam wilayah pribadi sehingga tetap rentan terhadap perlakuan yang kejam. Perbedaan kerangka peraturan dan prosedur di Hong Kong memberikan mereka perlindungan lebih baik dan lebih banyak jalur mencari bantuan, ganti rugi hukum, atau sarana melarikan diri dari perlakuan yang kejam. Dua kondisi penting utama adalah kenyataan bahwa di Hong Kong, PRTA diberi hari istirahat mingguan dan mereka menyimpan dokumen perjalanan sendiri seperti paspor. Namun, peraturan dan prosedur yang berlaku di Malaysia memberikan perlindungan minimal hak-hak PRTA sehingga mengarah ke praktik kerja yang kasar dan pembatasan gerak, di mana PRTA dipaksa menerima kondisi hidup yang kurang layak dirampas hak-hak asasi mereka, tidak diakui, dan dikeluarkan dari peraturan ketenagakerjaan. 3. Hasil survei menunjukkan bahwa PRTA umumnya melakukan tugas untuk kepuasan dan memenuhi kebutuhan majikan mereka demi menyeimbangkan antara pekerjaan dan kebutuhan hidup. Sebagian besar majikan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong merasa puas dengan pekerjaan PRTA. Kepuasan tersebut disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor. Sejumlah besar kepuasan majikan Malaysia pada PRTA didasarkan atas kepatuhan PRTA dan kesediaan para PRTA dibatasi ruang gerak dan interaksi sosialnya. Hal ini kontras dengan orientasi pada kinerja dari majikan Hong Kong. 4. Karena kewajiban yang lebih tinggi untuk mematuhi dan mungkin pendidikan publik yang lebih baik tentang masalah ini, majikan di Hong Kong lebih sadar akan hukum dan peraturan yang mencakup hakhak dari PRTA. Sebaliknya, hanya sedikit (6%) dari majikan Malaysia menunjukkan kesadaran hukum yang berpengaruh dalam mempekerjakan PRTA. Sebaliknya, majikan Malaysia umumnya tidak tahu tentang hukum dan perlindungan hak-hak PRTA dan tidak diminta bertanggung jawab atas pelanggaranpelanggaran mereka. Hal ini semakin dipermudah dengan tidak adanya sistem pemantauan, sedangkan di Hong Kong memiliki sistem lebih ketat. 5. Majikan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong merasa bahwa para PRTA dilindungi oleh hukum yang berlaku di negara masing-masing. Namun, pandangan seperti itu dari majikan Malaysia sebagian dipengaruhi oleh kurangnya pengetahuan hukum dan sikap umum memandang PRTA sebagai pelayan. Temuan ini sejalan dengan defi nisi peraturan pekerja di Malaysia, yakni hubungan majikan-pelayan. Meskipun demikian, survei mengungkapkan bahwa hampir satu dari setiap lima majikan Malaysia mengakui bahwa peraturan saat ini di Malaysia tidak cukup untuk melindungi PRTA. 6. Ada juga beberapa perbedaan cara untuk mendisiplinkan PRTA. Untuk pelanggaran ringan, majikan Malaysia lebih cenderung menegur secara lisan atau memarahi sebagai bentuk ungkapan ketidakpuasan kepada PRTA. Sementara, untuk pelanggaran ringan, majikan Hong Kong mungkin kurang melakukannya. Majikan Malaysia cenderung menggunakan jalur hukum atau langsung menghentikan PRTA mereka dalam kasus pelanggaran yang lebih serius. Misalnya, ketika seorang PRTA menampar seorang anak, mereka akan merujuk PRTA ke agen kerja untuk proses hukum. Sedangkan, lebih dari separo majikan Hong Kong siap untuk menghentikan jasa PRTA. Majikan Malaysia cenderung menggunakan caci maki untuk kinerja buruk PRTA, sedangkan di Hong Kong, pelanggaran tersebut ditanggapi dengan peringatan untuk meningkatkan tanggung jawab mereka. 26 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

29 7. Sikap umum yang ditampilkan oleh para majikan terhadap persyaratan dan usulan peraturan di Hong Kong dan Malaysia menunjukkan bahwa diberlakukannya penegakan hukum umumnya mengarah pada kepatuhan yang lebih baik. Sebagian besar majikan di Hong Kong umumnya menerima peraturan yang mengharuskan para majikan menyediakan kebutuhan dasar dan sekunder bagi para PRTA, seperti pembayaran upah tepat waktu dan tempat tinggal serta kebebasan bergerak dan berinteraksi sosial. Majikan Malaysia, bagaimanapun, hanya setuju dengan persyaratan kerja lainnya, seperti pembayaran upah dan menyediakan kondisi hidup layak, tetapi tidak terbuka dalam memberikan kebebasan kepada para PRTA untuk bergerak atau bahkan untuk menikmati hari libur mingguan. Yang perlu dipikirkan adalah kemungkinan-kemungkinan tegangan yang terjadi dengan tenaga kerja lokal. Survei di Hong Kong menemukan bahwa anggapan dominan adalah pada masalah memungkinkan PRTA untuk menikmati hakhak upah minimum yang sama dengan yang diberikan kepada warga negara. Di sisi lain, majikan Malaysia menunjukkan sikap yang lebih tidak bertanggung jawab terhadap hak-hak dasar PRTA seperti mendapatkan pembayaran upah tepat waktu, diizinkan hari libur setiap Minggu atau menyimpan paspor mereka. 8. Sementara survei tidak langsung mengukur sesuai peraturan, latar belakang penelitian mengenai hal itu mengungkapkan bahwa upaya-upaya PRTA untuk mencari ganti rugi hukum dalam perselisihan dengan majikan mereka tetap mengalami kesulitan, baik di Hong Kong maupun di Malaysia. Sengketa dan kasus-kasus yang terjadi sangat berbeda sifatnya. Kasus yang terjadi di Malaysia termasuk dalam pelanggaran mendasar pada hak-hak asasi manusia, sedangkan sengketa yang terjadi di Hong Kong terjadi karena ketidakpatuhan pada persyaratan kerja; rata-rata PRTA tetap dalam posisi kurang beruntung dalam penyelesaian kasus mereka secara hukum karena pembatasan kerja, biaya tinggi, dan jangka waktu panjang yang dibutuhkan untuk memproses kasus tersebut. REKOMENDASI Dalam sebuah laporan yang dipersiapkan untuk diskusi umum mengenai buruh migran, yang terjadi pada Sidang ke-92 dari Konferensi Perburuhan Internasional (ILC 2004), Organisasi Buruh Internasional menekankan bahwa PRTA adalah pekerja yang paling rentan di dunia. Kondisi kerja mereka menumbuhkan lingkungan ketergantungan dan isolasi, khususnya dalam situasi di mana majikan menyita dokumen mereka (perjalanan, pekerjaan, dan tempat tinggal); pekerja terbatas pada tempat kerja mereka dan tidak bisa pergi tanpa pengawalan atau alasan yang sah; interaksi dan kontak dengan dunia luar terbatas dan sebagian besar bekerja tujuh hari dalam seminggu tanpa hari libur. Semua penolakan sistematis terhadap hak-hak tenaga dan hak-hak asasi manusia memperlemah semangat dan kondisi fi sik mereka. Hal ini menyebabkan ketidakstabilan mental, mempersulit akses terhadap perawatan kesehatan dan kesejahteraan. Selanjutnya, akan mengarah pada pengingkaran hak-hak reproduksi dan seksual. Pelanggaran terhadap hak-hak yang tercantum di atas memberikan kontribusi pada bentuk ikatan kerja yang disertai perbudakan intensif serta jeratan utang serta merupakan bentuk perdagangan manusia. Selain itu, siklus pelanggaran yang ditimbulkan pada pekerja rumah tangga migran akan terus berlanjut sampai pemerintah melindungi hak-hak PRTA dengan menjamin hak-haknya melalui pemberlakuan mekanisme hukum dengan pengawasan dan tanggung jawab yang seharusnya dilakukan. Hasil survei bersama dengan umpan balik tambahan dari majikan di Hong Kong menunjukkan bahwa perlindungan legislatif yang lebih besar bagi PRTA di Hong Kong memiliki dampak positif pada penghormatan majikan terhadap hak-hak pekerja mereka serta menciptakan persepsi dan sikap positif terhadap para PRTA mereka. Rekomendasi kami meliputi: 1. Malaysia harus mengubah peraturan ketenagakerjaan; mengganti istilah pelayan rumah tangga menjadi pekerja rumah tangga untuk mengenali pekerjaan rumah tangga sebagai pekerjaan. Pemerintah memastikan bahwa PRTA tidak lagi dilepaskan dari hak-hak mereka seperti yang diberikan untuk semua kategori pekerja, yakni libur mingguan, hari libur, hak cuti tahunan, dan semua hak-hak pekerja lainnya. 2. Karena sifat khusus pekerjaan rumah tangga dan kondisi para PRTA, ada kebutuhan untuk memiliki kontrak standar bagi semua PRTA terlepas dari kewarganegaraan mereka. Hong Kong sudah memiliki kontrak standar, tetapi Malaysia belum. Guna memastikan persyaratan yang ditentukan seperti dalam Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 27

30 kontrak standar dijamin secara hukum, kontrak tersebut harus disertakan sebagai lampiran pada peraturan ketenagakerjaan yang merupakan kerangka hukum saat ini di Afrika Selatan. Di Malaysia, beberapa hal yang diusulkan termasuk dalam rekomendasi yang dibuat oleh Dewan Malaysia, antara lain meliputi penetapan ruang lingkup kerja mereka, tempat mempekerjakan PRTA, jangka waktu kontrak dengan tanggal dimulainya, gaji pokok bulanan, jam kerja dengan waktu istirahat, dan hari istirahat. Rincian lebih lanjut dari Dewan rekomendasi ada pada Lampiran II di bawah. 3.Malaysia harus memberikan kebebasan berserikat kepada PRTA untuk membentuk asosiasi sendiri dan/atau serikat pekerja. Semua negara anggota ILO sebagai akibat dari keanggotaan mereka di ILO dan adopsi dari Deklarasi ILO 1998 tentang Prinsip Dasar dan Hak-hak di Tempat Kerja, berkomitmen melaksanakan Konvensi ILO dalam hukum dan praktik nasional. Malaysia memiliki kewajiban memberikan kebebasan berserikat dan tidak memiliki kebijakan diskriminatif terhadap buruh migran, seperti yang ditentukan dalam Konvensi ILO. Hong Kong sudah memberikan PRTA hak-hak berserikat dan melakukan tindakan kolektif, seperti demonstrasi dan pawai. Hak-hak tersebut diatur dalam peraturan hukum Hong Kong. 4. Kedua pemerintah dapat memfasilitasi proses kerja PRTA dengan menyediakan orientasi yang lebih baik untuk majikan dan PRTA yang potensial sehingga kedua belah pihak dapat memiliki pemahaman yang jelas tentang kewajiban dan hak mereka. Pelatihan untuk para PRTA tidak boleh diserahkan kepada badan-badan swasta yang mengenakan biaya berlebihan. Sebaliknya, pemerintah bekerja sama dengan serikat buruh atau LSM secara bersama-sama dapat melakukan pelatihanpelatihan yang tidak hanya berfokus pada pelatihan keterampilan, tetapi juga pada hak dan kewajiban bagi seluruh pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat. 5. Harus ada pedoman yang jelas untuk perekrutan langsung oleh majikan tanpa keterlibatan agen. Di mana agen-agen digunakan, mereka harus diatur sesuai dengan Konvensi Agensi Kerja Swasta ILO, C181, Kebijakan yang mengatur ketenagakerjaan harus memastikan bahwa hak-hak para PRTA dilindungi dan mereka tidak ditempatkan dalam posisi utang dan perbudakan tenaga kerja. 6. Negara-negara harus mengembangkan mekanisme untuk memungkinkan menuntut majikan dan agen yang menyimpan paspor para pekerja sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan Malaysia dan Hong Kong. Paspor atau dokumen pribadi lainnya tidak boleh disimpan oleh orang lain untuk diamankan. 7. Pihak-pihak berwenang di negara-negara asal para PRTA harus meninjau kembali peran lembaga-lembaga di semua tingkat dan mengawasi biaya-biaya yang dibebankan kepada pekerja. Sementara, Pemerintah Malaysia dan Hong Kong harus memantau untuk memastikan bahwa biaya yang sudah dibayarkan oleh majikan tidak lagi dibebankan kepada pekerja. Salah satu ukurannya adalah kedua pemerintah negara asal dan tujuan harus mempertimbangkan membentuk batasan biaya penempatan untuk menghindari masalah jeratan utang dan pencatutan berlebihan oleh lembaga rekrutmen. Dalam situasi saat ini, gaji para PRTA Indonesia dapat dikurangi sepenuhnya sampai sekitar enam bulan, sebagai pembayaran kepada instansi perekrutan di Malaysia. Di bawah Peraturan Lembaga Kerja Hong Kong, komisi maksimum yang dapat dikenakan agen kepada PRTA tidak lebih dari 10% gaji bulanan mereka. Namun, agen perekrutan di Indonesia mengenakan biaya jauh lebih tinggi yang mengakibatkan gaji para PRTA dikurangi secara penuh selama tujuh bulan. Jeratan utang tersebut mengakibatkan situasi kerja para PRTA terikat; menyebabkan pemberi kerja dan pekerja tanpa banyak pilihan selain mengikuti perjanjian kerja. 28 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

31 8. Mekanisme lebih efektif dengan hukuman kuat harus dikembangkan dalam memastikan akuntabilitas dan pengawasan publik dari para pemeran proses perekrutan PRTA, seperti agen-agen perekrutan tenaga kerja, majikan, dan broker, untuk setiap pelanggaran terhadap pekerja rumah tangga. Penegakan hukum dan kebijakan ketat akan mempromosikan kepatuhan di antara semua pihak yang terlibat. 9. Karena, baik Malaysia maupun Hong Kong (Cina) telah meratifikasi Konvensi Penghapusan segala Bentuk Diskriminasi terhadap Perempuan (CEDAW), kedua pemerintah harus menjamin hak-hak yang diatur dalam konvensi dan memasukkannya dalam hukum nasional yang ditegakkan dan dipantau pelaksanaannya. Mereka wajib menegakkan Rekomendasi Umum CEDAW 26 tentang Perempuan Buruh Migran yang mengakui bahwa pekerjaan rumah tangga harus dilindungi oleh peraturan ketenagakerjaan. ( ( english/bodies/cedaw/docs/gr_26_on_ women_migrant_workers_en.pdf.) 10. Malaysia dan Hong Kong harus mulai mengambil langkah-langkah untuk menandatangani dan meratifikasi Konvensi Internasional tentang Perlindungan Hak Semua Pekerja Migran dan Anggota Keluarganya (ICRMW, 1990). (Tulisan lengkap Konvensi ini tersedia di ohchr.org/english/law/cmw.htm) 11. Pemerintah, serikat pekerja, dan asosiasi majikan di Malaysia dan Hong Kong harus mengambil langkah-langkah untuk mendukung dan kemudian meratifikasi Konvensi Organisasi Buruh Internasional (ILO) yang baru untuk Pekerja Rumah Tangga dan rekomendasi-rekomendasi tambahannya. 12. Seiring waktu, lebih banyak survei dan studi lain harus dilakukan untuk memperkuat dan melindungi hak-hak PRTA di negara tujuan dan negara asal mereka. Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 29

32 Research Partners CARAM ASIA S NATIONAL AND REGIONAL ADVOCACY CARAM Asia is a regional network in Special Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. It is an open network of NGOs, trade unions and CBOs, consisting of 33 members covering 18 countries in Asia and the Middle East. Visit for more information on CARAM Asia. At the start of the millennium, the network organised a series of national consultations with FDWs themselves, advocates and government officials across the Asia Pacific region such as in Malaysia, Pakistan, Thailand and Taiwan. The national consultations lead to a multilateral regional summit on Foreign Domestic Workers in Colombo, Sri Lanka in August The summit culminated in the adoption of the Colombo Declaration outlining the assertion of the rights of foreign domestic workers by the 132 participants from 24 countries which included migrants, government representatives, NGOs and UN representatives. FDWs are housebound workers. It is a daunting task to organise FDWs. Therefore, taking into consideration all these complexities, CARAM Asia decided to embark on a public campaign for the recognition of domestic work starting with the demand for a weekly paid day off for FDWs. An elaborate campaign toolkit was produced as a living document that guides FDWs and activists in their organizing and mobilizing. This toolkit refl ects the concerns and suggestions of FDWs as former FDWs were a part of the toolkit production team. To ensure wider outreach and usage of the toolkit, the toolkit was translated into 7 different national languages of FDWs in the Asia region. On 1st of May, 2007 the Campaign Toolkit for Foreign Domestic Workers was launched in Indonesia, drawing a plurality of stakeholders involved in the migration of women for domestic work. During the same time after the launch, that CARAM Asia also initiated the formation of a coalition of 5 regional NGOs sharing the same vision named the United for Foreign Domestic Workers Rights (UFDWRs) bringing together the strength and resources of 4 other regional network, namely the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD), Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM), Mekong Migration Network (MMN) and the Global Alliance Against Traffi cking in Women (GAATW). In 2007 a regional campaign for the recognition of domestic work as a socio-economic activity was launched at the ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) in Singapore with the United for Foreign Domestic Workers Rights (UFDWRs). At the same time, CARAM Asia also kick started its campaign One paid day off a week under the overarching goal of Recognize Domestic Work as Work for FDWs at national level with coordinated multistakeholder activities held during Labour Day or International Migrants Days across countries in Middle East, North, South and South East Asia. The 2010 and 2011 International Labour Conference (ILC) will mark the possibility for a new international standard for Domestic Workers. Only International Labour Organisation s (ILO) tripartite members, namely trade unions, governments and employers associations can have a place at the ILC to vote for a new international standard and decide how binding the standards will be on state signatories. Prior to these two years, CARAM Asia had actively lobbied trade unions and governments to support a binding new international standard for DWs with comprehensive protection to FDWs. Although NGOs are not ILO members, CARAM Asia found ways to intervene in the process through building partnership with trade unions. CARAM Asia members are the sole non-trade union groups present at the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) Asia Pacifi c s Regional Conference on Domestic Workers. The regional conference held from 14 to 15 October, 2009 in Kuala Lumpur developed Conclusions and Recommendations on Domestic Workers that was adopted by the ITUC General Council meeting in November, The recommendations made jointly had been submitted by trade unions to the ILO Governing Body. By 2010 s ILC, CARAM Asia together with the Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC) joined other ILO tripartite members in their debate for a historic international standard for DWs. Hence directly influencing and lobbying for better international recognition of rights for DWs which should eventually set the standards for national legislative change to confer to. The Committee on the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, 1990 (ICRMW) has developed a draft General Comment (GC) on Migrant Domestic Workers (MDWs) in CARAM Asia had also given our feedback to the draft content to the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). UNIFEM then consolidated feedbacks from all NGOs working on this issue and submit them to the secretariat for the ICRMW. The new General Comment (GC) on Migrant Domestic Workers was adopted by December, More Information about CARAM Asia can be found at 30 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers

33 TENAGANITA Tenaganita is a Malaysian women and human rights organization that protects and promotes the rights of women, migrants and refugees so that they can achieve their full potential in society. Our vision is for a just, free and democratic society where all are equal human beings with dignity and rights. The organization was founded in 1991, and born out of the struggles of women workers in the plantations and industrial sectors to gain their rights as workers; for decent wages, decent living and to stop discrimination and gender based violence. Since then, Tenaganita s scope has grown in leaps and bounds and today, we address issues of exploitation, discrimination, unequal treatment violence not just against women, but also refugees and migrant workers and modern day slavery. Currently, the Programs cover the following areas: Anti-Trafficking in Person (ATIP), Migrant & Refugee Rights Protection (MRRP) and Business Accountability & Responsibility (BAR). We work with various migrant communities both documented and undocumented, we reach out to vulnerable groups like the sex workers, traffi cked women and children, refugees and plantations workers and other stakeholders like the business community for accountability. The activities conducted by Tenaganita are outreach and awareness building, legal support and services, peer leaders development and strengthening of migrant associations and advocacy at all levels. Tenaganita s Head Offi ce is located in the Malaysia capital of Kuala Lumpur with a branch offi ce on the Penang island. We can be reached at www. Tenaganita.net. ST. JOHN S CATHEDRAL HIV EDUCATION CENTRE The HIV Education Centre of the St. John s Cathedral (Anglican Church) was the first faithbased institution to undertake the AIDS ministry in Hong Kong. The Centre was established in 1995, with the goals of raising AIDS awareness amongst the general public, and of helping create an AIDS free society for our generation. When the Centre was first established, its main service was to provide a safe place where people could easily get access to AIDS-related information and make initial enquiry about how HIV was transmitted. Over the years, our services have completely changed to meet the changing nature of the AIDS epidemic and its impacts on people s lives. Starting from 1998, the Centre began to develop reproductive health services for local women and new arrivals from Mainland China. Besides, we have also worked with local schools to educate young people on sex education and their reproductive health. As we see the needs of ethnic minorities and Asian migrant workers are not covered locally, in 2004, the Centre took another step by providing reproductive health programmes for this neglected population. A series of activities such as health talks, workshops, outreaching activities, publishing educational materials and the annual AIDS festival have been developed. Today, we educate our clients on reproductive health and AIDS awareness, as well as concepts of equal opportunities, human rights and community integration. At the international level, the Centre combines the energies and resources with many international women s groups, faith-based organizations and UN agencies to aggressively address the reproductive health and rights of people living with HIV and AIDS. Together, we have worked on many projects including interfaith dialogues, sharing experiences and resources at international conferences and conducting research activities. Scope of Services 1. Inter-faith cooperation 2. Youth & Sex Education 3. Reproductive health Project for Asian Migrant Workers and ethnic minorities 4. Regional cooperation and research on migration and health Membership with other networks or organisations: 1. Asian Interfaith Network of AIDS (AINA) 2. CARAM Asia Berhad 3. International Migrant Alliance (IMA) 4. World Council of Churches (WCC) 5. Hong Kong Coalition of AIDS Service Organizations (HKCASO) 6. Hong Kong Coalition of Service Providers for Ethnic Minorities (CSPEM) Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers 31

34 1. Asian Interfaith Network of AIDS (AINA) 2. CARAM Asia Berhad 3. International Migrant Alliance (IMA) 4. World Council of Churches (WCC) 5. Hong Kong Coalition of AIDS Service Organizations (HKCASO) 6. Hong Kong Coalition of Service Providers for Ethnic Minorities (CSPEM) 32 Research on Malaysian and Hong Kong Employers Perception and Attitudes on Foreign Domestic Workers