On Ta De Laoshi Dang-de Hao He Teaches Well and Related Problems The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters. Citation Accessed Citable Link Terms of Use Huang, C.-T. James. 2008. On ta de laoshi dang-de hao he teaches well and related problems. Linguistic Sciences 3, no. 34: 225-241. February 18, 2015 1:52:17 AM EST http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.instrepos:3353823 This article was downloaded from Harvard University's DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.instrepos:dash.current.terms-ofuse#oap (Article begins on next page)
7.3 (34): 225-241. (2008 ) event On ta de laoshi dang-de hao he teaches well and Related Problems Abstract Modern Chinese exhibits a number of apparent syntax-semantics mismatches, giving rise to many examples with fake possessives and fake nominal quantifiers, which pose non-trivial problems for a theory of syntax-semantics mapping and lead to other peculiar phenomena. This article assumes a lexical decomposition approach and proposes a head-movement explanation of the apparent mismatches, according to which a verb moves out of a gerundive construction into a higher performative light verb position. The proposal not only solves the apparent problems discussed, but is supported by several independent motivations and theoretical bonuses. The paper also broaches the question of linguistic variation, showing that the observed phenomena are by-products of Modern Chinese as a highly analytic language. Key words: fake nominal modifiers, syntax-semantics mismatches, lexical decomposition, head movement, syntactic analyticity
2 1. 1-2 * (1) (2) 1 2 2 3a-d (3) a. b. c. d. (4) a. b. c. 2004 2005 Huang (1994, 1997)
3 4a 2-3 NP N 2-4 (2)-(4) 1978 2 5a 5b 5c (5) a. b. c. 1982 4a (6) a. b. c. (5)-(6) NP (7) NP1 NP2 [ NP NP1 NP2] [ NP NP1 NP2] NP1 NP2 NP1 NP2 NP NP 1 NP 2-4 NP 2. 2-4 NP NP1 NP2
4 1978 1982 8c 9c (8) a. b. c. * (9) a. b. c. * 8a 8b 9a 9b NP1-NP2 8c 9c (10) a. b. c. d. e. f. (11) a. b. c. d. 10 NP1 NP2 NP1 NP2 3 2-6 11 NP1 NP2 10-11 2-6
5 2-6 10-11 3. lexical decomposition head movement 12 2x2x3 kill cause + die die become + dead McCawley (1969) Dowty (1979) Larson (1988, 1991) give, persuade, put Larson John gave the student a book (12) VP1 DP V1 V1 VP2 NP V2 V2 NP John [e] the student give a book (12) VP1 VP2 VP2 VP1 V2 V1 5 V1 V2 V1 John gave the student
6 a book give [e] give Larson (1988) Huang 1988, 1992 6 Larson (1988, 1991) Huang 1988, 1992 Hale and Keyser (1993, 2002), Chomsky (1995) Huang (1994, 1997) CAUSE, BECOME DO 7 CAUSE experiential inchoative unaccusative BECOME stative thin (13) a. The soup is thin. [thin] b. The soup thinned. [BECOME [thin]] c. Please thin the soup. [CAUSE [BECOME [thin]]] (14) a. [ ] b. [BECOME [ ]] c. [CAUSE [BECOME [ ]]] unergative activity DO DO DO Hale & Keyser cry do a cry, make a cry, etc. DO functional category VP 2004 Larson give give CAUSE + HAVE (15) (16)
CAUSE 7
8 (17) VP1 DP V1 V1 VP2 NP V2 V2 NP CAUSE 17 15 VP1 VP2 16 CAUSE 15 8 synthetic analytic 4. 10 10b
9 (18) VP1 NP V V1 GP DO Spec G G VP2 [e] V2 NP 18 =VP2 GP (Gerundive Phrase) GP DO 18 V1 G V2 9 11 11 10 (19) a. DO b. i t i c. 10-11 3-4 2 (20) a. DO b. i t i
10 c. [e] i t i d. [ t ] j t j e. 20a - 20b 18-19 DO 10 2-4 10-11 8b - 9b 8c - 9c (8) a. b. c. * (9) a. b. c. * 8c - 9c 9b 8b 8c (21) 10-11 21 11 21 10-11 10-11 21 DO +
11 2-4 10-11 2-4 10-11 8c 21 2-4 10-11 12 Hale & Keyser 1993 L-Syntax = Lexical Syntax) (S-Syntax = Syntactic Syntax) L-Syntax S-Syntax DO S-Syntax (functional category) (lexical category) S-Syntax 5. a b c (22) a. b. * c.
12 take advantage of advantage (23) a. John took advantage of Bill. b. *John took this advantage of Bill. c. *Which advantage did John take of Bill? d. *Advantage, John took of Bill. (24) a. b. c. d. 24a DO 24c * 23-24 S-Syntax L-Syntax 24 6. 13
13 (25) a. b. (26) a. b. (27) a. b. (classifier) (measure word) : ) 14 (28) a. * * * b. (29) (30) (31) (32) 31 32 (33) (34)?* (33)-(34) 28a-b
14 (a) (b) (35) (36) (37) 35-37 (38) (39) (40) (41) 41 35-41 31-33 15 33
15 (42) VP NP V V GP DO Spec G G VP [e] V NP GP 33 42 31-32 33 33 39 41 41 31-32 Kung (1993) Tang (1990) 31-32
16 (43) VP NP V V VP DO Spec V D/FP V V NP 43 42 GP VP Larson VP 12 VP V 16 31-32 GP V 43 43 43 42 17 (44) a. b. c 31-32 bare NP 44 Determiner Phrase, DP NP DP 31-32 NP 44 DP NP DP
17 (45) a. b. c. e. (46) a. * b. * c. * NP (47) a. b. (48) a. * 18 b. * NP DP 42 43 maximal projection, XP X 0 X (49) α α = XP X 0 XP-movement X 0 -movement X -movement 19 42 43 42 GP GP VP GP 43 V VP VP VP VP 49 42 GP 43 V /VP 42 NP 45 NP GP NP DP NP DP (50) GP VP x VP x V + NP
18 50 VP VP NP DP VP NP DP 45-48 NP 50 GP GP 49 45 DP GP 46 47 NP GP 48 DP 44 DP 42 43 43 7. 50 50 GP VP V+NP V+DP GP NP DP semantic type DP entity NP property function DP argument NP predicate) NP = λx x complex predicate book-buying book NP They criticized Bush Bush Bush-bashing Bush N D DP NP Li 1999 Huang, Li & Li 2008 50 V+NP GP,
19 GP 50 GP L-Syntax, phone, fish, joke complex predicate, complex verb) Massam 2001 pseudo-incorporation (51) a. * b. * c. * (52) ( (53) (54) My having five sons is like the heart s having four supports. GP (50) VP DP: (55) Your having reported all those 5 funny stories to John surprised me. -ing, VP inflected GP GP GP
20 21 (56) (57) (58) 56 56 41 56 (59) (60) (61) * (62) * 56 56 (63) 22
21 (64) (65) 64-65 64-65 64 65 e e e e e trace e 8. individual event 23 individual reference) event reference lexical semantics compositional semantics) type-shifting
22
23 1 2 3 4 5 6 6a 6b 2-6 10d Occam s Razor Larson VP Larsonian VP shell Huang 1988 1992 i-iii (i) (ii) (iii) iii iv (iv) iii i-ii 7 BE HOLD Parsons 1990 Vendler (1967) Accomplishment, Achievement, Activity, State classifier Chao 1948 Classifier
24 Huang 2005 8 9 10 ergative construction 1994 1999 get: John got Bill killed, John got killed faire 18 GP VP GP GP -V, +N GP IP/TP αv, βn -ed +V, -N -ing -V, +N participles) -ing -en +V, +N to -V, -N Abney (1987) Abney D DP GP ( ) (GP/G) GP/G (20b) clitic
25 11 (21) 12 13 14 15 16 Chomsky 1970 X Cheng and Sybesma 1999 Li 1999) Chierchia 1998 2004.7.10 V X- (i) a. DO b. (ii) a. DO b. (iii) a. DO b. DO c. VP VP V VP V
26 17, 44a-c 46 48 44a-c 44a-c 46 48 18 49a-b (i) a. * b. * 34 i ii (ii) a. * b. * i - ii 19 the short men short men i-ii iii-iv (i) I like the short men and the tall women. (ii) I like the short men and tall women. (iii) The short men, I like. (iv) *Short men, I like the. 20 GP NP N- G- N V-to-N-to-V (derivation before inflection), Y. Li, 1990 GP G GP G N GP
27 21 22 23
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