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3 ( Elijah Coleman Bridgman) ( Chi nese Repository), 1832,, 1832,, ( Bom bay Price Current),, ;,,,,,,, Chinese Repository, Vol1 6, pp :: ;39 ; ;, ;,, ;,,,, (2000 ) Calcutta Courier, April 29, 1837, Singapore Chronicle, J uly 17, 1837 Chinese Repository, Vol1 6, p1 196 Chinese Repository, Vol1 6, p

4 ,,,,,,, (Walter H1 Medhurst) ,,, ( ),, 1/ 2,, ( ) 18, Chinese Repository, Vol1 6, pp1303 Ibid, Vol. 6, pp B1 P1 P, Papers Relating to the Opium Trade in China, p1 51, 1, 1962,439 B1 P1 P, Papers Relating to the Opium Trade in China, p1 51, 1,440 53

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25 Modern Chinese History Studies No. 2, 2002 The Guomindang Suppression of t he Guangdong Peasant Movement and Its Effects L iang S hangxian (1) In its purge of Communist Party members in Guangdong, the Guomindang used force to suppress the peasant movement which it had supported with all its might before, and encouraged civilian militias organized by local tyrants and evil gentry into frenzied retaliation against peasants and peasant unions. Some Guomindang corrupt elements linked closely with feudal forces in the Guangdong countryside openly colluded with local tyrants and evil gentry to destroy peasant unions and oppress the peasants. Furthermore, they directed the fire the anti2communist purge at a number of loyal comrades, followers of the Premierandtrue members of Guomindangwho had adhered to thepremier s will and testamentand dedicated themselves to the nationalist revolution. This led the Guomindang onto the path of corruption. Because of the suppression to peasant movement, the Guomindang cast aside the peasants, and sowed deeply the seeds of its failure to come. A Reconsideration of the Opium Trade before the Opium War W u Yi xiong (50) The subject of the opium trade before the Opium War has always been a focus of research by both Chinese and overseas scholars. However, until now all the relevant statistics and descriptions of the opium trade were for various reasons not accurate enough, or not complete enough. The abundant trade data published promptly and over many years in the Canton Register and Canton Press English language periodicals issued in Guangzhou ( Canton) before the Opium War has made it possible to recalculate the volume, prices and value of the trade in each type of opium for every year from 1821 to 1839, and therefore to give a more accurate and complete depiction of the condition of the opium trade. Integrating these newly uncovered sources with past research, we find out that over the 18 years leading up to the Opium War an average of over 10,000 chests of opium per year were imported, looting China of over 10 million taels of silver annually. While these figures are not as great as those published in past research, 1

26 they are sufficient nevertheless to reveal the inherently predatory nature of the opium dealers and the interest groups which backed them. The Stat us of Vernacular Chinese in Literary History and t he Vernacular Trend in the New Literature : The Debate among New Literature Advocates during the Post May Fourt h Movement Period L uo Zhitian (74) In the early 1920 s, some Shanghai members of the Literature Studies Association vigorously echoed Hu Shi s call to put the nation s literary heritage in order. However, they had many differences with Hu over specific ideas. These differences mostly related to vernacular literature. Yan Jicheng, a member of the Literature Studies Association, criticized Hu Shi for a tendency toevaluate old verse by vernacular standards. Both sides argued over this point, focusing on what was the mainstream of literary history. When vernacular literature showed a tendency towards Europeanization, and people complained that they could not understand it, most members of the Literature Studies Association held that readers should change their ideas to adapt to the Europeanized style of writing. Some members argued that vernacular literature should be open to both Europeanizationand classical literature. But Hu Shi sharply disagreed with this view ; he thought it should only strive to appeal to the masses. A Comparative St udy of Two Different Discourses of Modern Chinese History in the 1930s O uyang J unxi (111) There were two different discourses of modern Chinese history in the 1930s. One was modernization discourserepresented by Chen Gonglu s Modern Chinese History ; another one was revolution discourse represented by Li Dingsheng s Modern Chinese History. These two discourses had different, even opposing views about the basic concepts, theoretical framework and narrative methods of modern Chinese history. On the one hand, this was because they represented two different political tendencies. On the other hand, they drew upon different Western intellectual sources. Is Rabe s DiaryBaseless Fabrication? A Scrutiny of The Scruti ny of John Rabe s Diary Cheng Zhaoqi (150) 2

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