西漢晚期以來，儒家思想對社會已有了深入的影響，當時不論士庶，普遍對孝悌之行抱有由衷的敬意。在此背景下，原本存在於大家庭的治家之法，在士人階層發生了深刻而微妙的變化。士人立身以禮、躬行實踐的結果，推動著家庭內的倫理關係趨向於嚴謹規矩。

Transcription

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6 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~ * ** * **

7 ~ ~ ~98 147~149

8 ~ ~99 3 Cheng-Hua Fang, Power Structures and Cultural Identities in Imperial China: Civil and Military Power from Late Tang to Early Song Dynasties (A.D ), Ph.D. Dissertation, Brown University, 2001,

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10 賍

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17 Cheng-Hua Fang, Power Structures and Cultural Identities in Imperial China: Civil and Military Power from Late Tang to Early Song Dynasties (A.D ), , ~ ~

18 ~48 122~

19 ~ ~1069 David McMullen, The Cult of Ch i T ai-kung and T ang Attitudes to the Military, Tang Studies 7 (1989, Madison), David Graff, The Sword and the Brush: Military Specialisation and Career Patterns in Tang China, , War and Society 18:2 (Oct. 2000, Australia), 9-22; Cheng-Hua Fang,

20 Power Structure and Cultural Identities in Imperial China: Civil and Military Power from Late Tang to Early Song Dynasties (A.D ), ~ ~

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23 ~139

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27 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~808

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30 ~ 栐 ~45

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33 四 庫 全 書 本, 卷 41, 頁

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36 A.D ~ ~ ~

37 ~12607

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45 40 The Dilemma of Recruiting Military Talent through Literary Approaches: the Military Examination and Military Academy in Song China Fang, Cheng-hua * Abstract In Song China, the recruitment of military officials and the training of martial talents experienced a new development, as the government established the military examination and the military academy. These two new institutions originated from the fact that while the civil elite controlled the Song government, they tried to apply their own value system to military fields. Based on the idea that military leadership derived from book learning, civil official established the military examination and academy to cultivate military talents through literary methods. To pass the military examination, the candidates had to possess literary talents and knowledge, so most participants were literati, who previously failed civil examination, and attempted to use the military examination and academy as an alternative to obtain official titles. Due to their civil identity, most military degree holders had little intention in a military career, instead eagerly sought any opportunity to transfer to civil posts. Although the government prohibited the taking of both civil and military examinations, this order was not followed. Because most military degree holders did not serve in the armies, the military examination made little influence on the Song military forces. Although the originally designed functions of military examination and academy were never fulfilled, these two institutes still existed until the end of the Southern Song, due to some non-military factors. To the civil elite, the establishment of the military examination and academy confirmed the opinion that military leadership was based on literary learning, which legitimized civil officials authority on military affairs. These two * Assistant Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan University

46 41 institutions also caused the Song Empire to coincide with the traditional idealism that developments in civil and military affairs had equal importance to a country. Moreover, the growing number of literati intensified the competition of the civil service examination, so failed candidates needed an alternative to gain an official title, and the military examination offered this opportunity. Because the abolishment of the military examination would damage the benefits of many literati, no official dared to advocate this idea. From the military perspective, the Song civil elite s efforts on improving military recruitment were unsuccessful. The main factor causing this failure was that most civil officials overlooked the academic value of military knowledge and martial arts. The education of military academy did not develop its own academic system, therefore it was difficult to differentiate military academy education from that of other official schools which provided literary education. The students of military academy concentrated their efforts on preparing examination rather than learning the military abilities useful in battle fields. Although the Song government created the first military school in Chinese history, military study failed to become an independent discipline, but was subordinate to literary learning. Under this circumstance, the establishment of the military examination and academy mostly related to the benefits of literati, but failed to inspire a military education meaningful to the armies. Keywords: civil-military relationship, military learning, military academy, military examination, Song dynasty, military academy education

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48 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~

49 ~76

50 Richard von Glahn, Imagining Pre-modern China Paul J. Smith and Richard von Glahn ed., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 2003), ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

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53 ~ ~176

54 ~ ~ ~308

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56 ~458

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65 Robert M. Hartwell Robert P. Hymes ~491 67

66 turning inward Robert M. Hartwell: Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, , Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42(1982), ; Robert P.Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen: the Elite of Fu-chou Chiang-hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung, (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 1986), political elite Hartwell The transformation of the political elite See Paul J. Smith and Richard von Glahn eds., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, 2-11,

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69 64 Benjamin Schwartz, 1916~

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74 69 The Rite of Emperor Condolence in Song Dynasty Pi, Qing-sheng Abstract The rite of emperor condolence is a part of the funeral rites of the five rituals. This paper discusses the rite of emperor condolence in the interpretative frame of the Tang-Song transformation and studies the interactive relationship between the ritual changes and practices, the rites and the reality liege, the religious convention, the intellectual world, etc. From the pre-qin era to the Tang dynasty and into the mid-northern Song, the rites of emperor condolence belonged to one system. Some important changes occurred in the later Northern Song, such as the time of condolence, the arrangement of ritual space, the process of the rites, etc. All these changes reveal that the stress of the rites had been shifted from the ritual object (the pasha and the imperial clansmen) to the ritual subject (the emperor), Buddhist elements of popular funerals had pervaded the emperor s condolence, and witchcraft and peach-broom existing in the traditional rite of emperor condolence began to disappear, boosted by the new approach to classical interpretation which emerged in the mid-northern Song. Keywords: the rite of emperor s condolence, peach-broom, choosing an auspicious day, weep, zhenghe rite PhD. Candidate of History, Tsinghua University, Beijing

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76 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~

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78 73 ontological hermeneutics, philosophical hermeneutics ~ ~2000

79 74 5 historicality

80 being universalism universalism ~ ~

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82 77 13 John Dewey William experimentalism James pragmatism principle of uncertainty paradigm instrumentalism Carl Popper substance form 14 Ereignis 1994 Wu, Chan-liang Historicity, Tradition, Praxis and Tao: A Comparison of the World Views of Zhang Xuecheng and Modern Philosophical Hermeneutics, Classics and Interpretations: The Hermeneutic Traditions in Chinese Culture New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2000 Ereignis

83 78 understanding 15 Dasein, Being-there, Being-in-the-world my world 16 horizon 17 ourselves logos sa hören 15 Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method (English translation of Wahrheit und Methode, New York: Crossroad, 1988), , Dasein Dasein Martin Heidegger, Being and Time (translated from the German Sein und Zeit, New York: SCM, 1962), 27, 65-68, 78-86, 97-98,

84 79 18 preunderstanding prejudice manipulate Being unconcealedness historicality subjectivism 18 Gadamer, Truth and Method, Heidegger, On the Essence of Truth, Basic Writings (New York: Harper & Row, 1977)

85 80 thrown into essential finitude Sein zum Tode, being-to-death or being-toward-death temporality ground of human being destiny daily life they

86 Heidegger, Being and Time, , , , , Historicity, Tradition, Praxis and Tao: A Comparison of the World Views of Zhang Xuecheng and Modern Philosophical Hermeneutics,

87 麄 麄

88 衮 8 4

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100 95 Book of Sage and the Constancy of Tian Li (Cosmic Texture/Vein): Basic Premises of Zhu Xi s Interpretation of the Classics Wu, Chan-liang Abstract This article carefully analyzes Zhu Xi's view of the classics by evaluating two of the philosopher's basic premises: that classics are books of the sages and that reading the canon not only enables one to understand the constancy of Tian Li (cosmic texture/order) but itself aims at learning the sages' wisdom. In addition, the author compares Zhu Xi s mode of thought with ontological hermeneutics and points to a number of fundamental differences between the two. Zhu Xi believes that the central value of the classics lies in their status as works of the sages, ancients who perfectly embodied the Tian Li of selfless good. In Zhu Xi s opinion, it is possible for readers to grasp the original meaning of the classics because they and the authors share common human nature and universalistic truth. Yet ontological hermeneutics has departed from that stance, emphasizing the inherent limitations, historicality and subjectivity of human understanding. On one hand, Zhu Xi acknowledges these limitations, but on the other he discusses the enlightened and selfless state achieved by the sages as a witness of the possible unity of Tian Li and human beings. It is only through a mindset of true selflessness that Tian Li can be fully, naturally, and freely expressed and thus receives proper recognition from the people as the highest ideal. This kind of sagely learning does not appear on the analytical horizon of ontological hermeneutics; the difference lies in the latter approach's belief in the indispensable and unsurpassable self. The ancients view a state of selflessness as the most worthy of pursuits and thus underscore the "universalistic" significance of Tian Li and the good of human nature. In contrast, ontological hermeneutics stresses the subjectivity and shortcomings of individual perception and human existence. Keywords: Zhu Xi, interpretation of the classics, premises, Tian Li, sage, constancy, Ontological Hermeneutics, Heidegger, Gadamer Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan University

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102 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~ * 1161~ *

103 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~53

104 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~65 51~

105 Peter K. Bol, Seeking Common Ground: Han Literati under Jurchen Rule, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47:2, 1987,

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107 ~279

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122 ~2190

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128 ~ ~ ~ ~155

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132 ~35 121~ ~ ~185

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134 ~2714

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136 131

137 132 The Jinshi Examination for the Jurchens and Its Impact on the Jurchen Polity in the Twelfth - Thirteenth Century Hsu, Ping-yu Abstract Beginning in the Sui and Tang periods, the civil service examinations was an important system for selecting government officials. Rulers in the Song dynasty placed great value on the Jinshi examinations, with the result that those who entered officialdom through the examinations played an important role in government. The Khitan Liao court and the early Jin rulers also used the examination system to select officials, but the status and influence of these officials rarely reached those of the heirs of prominent Khitan or Jurchen ministers or the imperial clansmen. And it seems that the Jinshi exam did not become the route to the dominant class. It was not until 1173, under Jin Shizong (r ) that a special Jurchen-language Jinshi examination system was held on behalf of Jurchen language scholars. This was in conjunction with Shizong s classics translation project. Because of the success of this examination, from 1180 until the end of the dynasty, Jurchen special exams became a formal part of the Jin civil service examination system. This article has two objectives. The first is to assess the process of the establishment of this system, to understand the reasoning of Shizong and his Jurchen ministers in implementing this policy to achieve the goal of promoting Jurchens with civil capability. The second is to examine the Jurchen civil talent that emerged from this official track after the appearance of Jurchen Jinshi in the government, and to explore the impact on the divisions of power within the Jurchen polity. Keywords: Jin dynasty, Jurchen, Jurchen language, Jinshi examination for the Jurchen, Shizong Emperor (r ), Zhangzong Emperor (r ) Lecturer, Department of History, National Taiwan University

138 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~

139 ~ ~ ~508

140 Edward L. Farmer ~ ~ ~

141 ~ ~ Edward L. Farmer ~ a

142 ~ ~ ~ b~2a a a~b a

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144 b~4a b~3b

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165 160 Holding the Hair Neat: Wang-jin and Some Cultural Dimentions of the Ming Dynasty Lin, Li-yueh Abstract Wang-jin was a net with which male adults set the hair together and it was also one of the most symbolic costume norms established in the early Ming China. Therefore, we can find it in several aspects of Ming society, such as monarchical regimes, clothing consumption and social life. After the Ming regime was overthrown, Wang-jin evolved into the strongest symbol, holding the Ming loyalists together and forming the former empire s imagination. From the view of being a vital role in the adult ritual, Wang-jin had a practical and definitional linkage with setting hair together, which was one of the necessities of the Ming people s lifelong custom. From the view of the manufacture and consumption of Wang-jin, some of them were made by women, some were sold in the stores, and others were vended by merchants. On the other hand, although Wang-jin was one of the commodities for Ming s male adults, the materials and making procedures of it ranged from extravagance to simpleness. The rich wore fine Wang-jin made of high-quality materials to display their status and fortune. After the Qing dynasty ruled, Wang-jin became much more extraordinary for its meaning of nation-identity. First, it became the evidence of rebellions in the early Qing. Second, during the period of the Ming-Qing dynastic transition, the Ming loyalists used to wear Wang-jin to declare their political identity. In the loyalists biographies, we can find that insisting on wearing Wang-jin and no-surrender tactics against the Qing s rulers are both significant factors in the biographies of Ming loyalists. Keywords: Ming dynasty, Wang-jin, custom, material culture, Ming loyalists Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan Normal University

166 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~

167 ~192 l'histoire événementielle

168 ~ ~ ~ ~ Soulstealers: the Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1768 Philip A. Kuhn, Soulstealers: the Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1768 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), Chapter 1, note 5, ~14

169 ~ ~ 禵 1679~1726 禵 ~248

170 ~ ~ 禵 Jonathan D. Spence Jonathan D. Spence, Treason by the Book (New York, N.Y.:

171 ~ 勅 12 Viking, 2001) 10 禵 禵 ~143

172 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

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174 169 han i boobai 1644~1661 ~ ~

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185 180 ilibu duici duin ci age huawngtaizi de ilibu juwan duici age in jeng

186 181 jen juwan jeng ~ ~ ~ ~ 畨 襍

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188 ~1755 ~ ~

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205 200 61?~ ~ ~94

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209 禩 Akina 禟 Seshe ~

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213 208 _1 _ _1 _2

214 ~

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217 212 The Making of the Emperor s Last Testament in Qing China Chen, Hsi-yuan Abstract It was common practice in imperial China for the emperor to proclaim a last testament to His subjects under Heaven. Before the Qing, the emperor s last testament was composed posthumously and was thus not in fact sanctioned by the late emperor. Yet arguably the last imperial testament might be the most significant edict ever issued in the name of the emperor. This paper utilizes official documents and especially original archives held in Taipei and Beijing to examine the changes seen in the production and reproduction of the last imperial testaments during the Qing period. It focuses in particular on the Kangxi Emperor s last testament, which was deemed the only official document to legitimize the Yongzheng Emperor s seizure of power, yet its authenticity has also been questioned ever since it was issued. In the first half of the Qing dynasty, most emperors either composed or prescribed their last testaments. In addition to assuring the continuity of imperial genealogy and succession to the Throne, they intended to define and summarize their political achievements, demand future rectification of their past mistakes, and even arrange the allocation of political power after their deaths. Yet after the death of the Jiaqing Emperor, the making of the emperor s last testament tended to become routinized and its format highly formalized. Later emperors no longer endeavored to define the past or influence the future through the composition of their last testaments. This paper also delves into the evolving procedures for the proclamation of the emperor s last testament throughout China, which played a major role in the national mourning ceremony. Since the proclamation of the imperial edict was one of the few direct channels for the populace to grasp the imperial will, special attention is paid to how the emperor s last testament was understood by its large audience, and hence Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of History & Philology, Academia Sinica

218 213 how it helped shape the collective memory of later times. This can shed new light on the role of the Kangxi Emperor s last testament in the formation and spread of the controversy concerning the Yongzheng Emperor s succession to the throne. Keywords: last testament, succession to the throne, national mourning, Grand Secretariat, collective memory

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220 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~

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224 219 Sir Hennessy, John Pope Justice of the Peace

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244 239 Woodville Rockhill

245 240

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256 251 person grata

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260 255 confidentially

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263 258 Wu Tingfang as Seen through the Japanese Secret Archives Kong, Xiang-ji & Murata Yujiro Abstract Wu Tingfang was a very famous diplomat in late Qing, was also one of pioneers seeking truth from the West. Earlier studies on him neglected Wu s relationship with Japan. This article is written according to the original records in the Japanese Foreign Office Archives, and reveals one important aspect which so far not known to the public. After the Sino-Japanese War, being the first attaché in the Chinese Negotiation Delegation, Wu began to have frequent contacts with the Japanese. Later Wu returned to China and paid visits to the Japanese Consulate-general in Tianjin, Kiji Arakawa, and the Minister, Tadasu Hayashi, many times, and reported to them about situation of the power struggle among the different cliques in the high level of the Qing bureaucracy. He also provided some information on the Qing attitudes toward war and peace. Wu also showed pessimism towards the future of China, thought China would split up and be eventually destroyed. Wu sought the help of post-war victorious Japan to restore Li Hongzhang s power and status lost during the War. Wu even claimed publicly that if Li should regain his power, it would have great happiness and benefits for both of our two countries. Wu was later appointed as the Minister to the United States. After he returned, again he revealed to the Japanese Minister Yasuya Uchida on the information regarding the pro-russia faction in the Qing Court and Lian Fang was a leader. He reported the precarious situation of the Guangxu Emperor. He also attempted to persuade the Japanese Minister and his wife to put in a good word for him in front of Empress Dowager Cixi and elevate Wu into high position Kong, Xiang-ji, Associates in Research, Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University; Murata Yujiro, Associate Professor, Area Studies in Komaba, The Univerisity of Tokyo Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Area Studies

264 259 The information as revealed in the Japanese archives is well known today. But at that time the Japanese diplomats took it very seriously. They carefully sorted out and systematically presented to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In turn, the Ministry of the Foreign Affairs presented most of the information to the Premier of Japan. This article specifically analyzes the reasons behind Wu s providing information to the Japanese. It was mainly because Wu was influenced by Li Hongzhang s policies, and Wu s abhorrence toward the Chinese feudalistic system, together with his impractical fascination towards Japan. This article unearths those almost unheard-of materials from the Japanese secret archives, in the hope that, rather than denying Wu s historical contribution, but understanding correctly this important figure in modern China. Keywords: Wu Tingfang, diplomacy, Sino-Japanese relationship, information, revolutionist, Kiji Arakawa, Yasuya Uchida, Tadasu Hayasi

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266 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~ ~ H

267 262

268 263 1 Episcopal Church Lazarus Cattaneo 1560~ Emmanuel Diaz Martinus Martini ~118 Rouggieri Almeido ~75

269 Francois-Alexis Remeaux Bernard-Vincent Laribe Jean-Henri Baldus Jean-Gabriel Perboyre François-Xarier-Timoth e Danicourt Pierre Lavaissi re Daughters of Charity of St.Vincent de Paul ~8 6 Congregatio Missionis St. Vincent

270 Louis Gabriel Delaplace 1820 ~ ~

271 Edmond Guierry Paulus M. Reynaud ~1926 Boscat ~52 118~ ~413 11

272 ~ ~1926 Fréderic 1877~1940 Lebbe 12 P. Octave Ferreux C.M ~ ~ ~

273 ~ ~ ~ ~

274 269 Maurus ~

275 ~ ~2577

276 ~ ~498

277 Paulus Albertus Faveau ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~546

278 Joannes Joseph Deymier ~

279 ~ ~ Computationes Yong Kang

280 P. Gabriel Allegia ~2567

281 ~ ~42

282 Joannes Larregain Alois Gabriel Jantzen ~81

283 廸 ~68

284

285 ~497 59

286

287 : ~

288

289 ~

290

291 286 Methodist Church 73 B.Litt Francis Beda College Lawrence Bianchi Auxiliary Bishop

292 ~ ~

293 ~ ~ ~1967 Pius ~2613

294 ~

295 ~ ~286

296 Riberi ~

297 ~ ~ ~2341

298 ~

299 ~ ~ Ronayne Mariette

300

301 ~2681

302

303

304 , ~33

305 ~

306

307

308 ~94

309 304 St.Vincent de Paul Society

310 ~195

311

312 ~ ~164

313 ~2767

314 Anthony Riberi ~ ~2761

315 ~ ~2767

316 ~

317 Praelatus Honorarius Monsignor 131 * ~266

318 313 Fr. Maurus Fang Hao and the Catholic Church in Republican China Lee, Tong-hwa Abstract Fr. Maurus Fang Hao ( ), both status as a scholar and a priest, played a very special role in the history of Contemporary Chinese Catholic Church. As a university Professor, his Missionary career was mainly concentrated upon the works of cultural preaching to literate elite. This works included: edited the Yi Shi Bao ( ) from 1938 to 1941, directed the shangzhi bianyi guan ( ) from 1946 to 1948, and guided the Association of Catholic college students from 1949 to Meanwhile, his speechs about indigenization of Chinese Catholic Church were propagated the Church s contextualization movement. The purpose of this article is to clarify Father fang s contribution to the Chinese Catholic Church in all respects. In addition, it also explore the relations between Father Fang and some church s leaders, such as: Cardinal bishop Thomas Tien ( ), Cardinal bishop Paul Yu ) and ( bishop Francis Hsu ( ). Keywords: Maurus Fang Hao, Catholic Church, Gospel preaching, Che-kiang Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan University

319

320 33 BIBLID (2004)33p ~ * * NSC H **

321 George W. Barclay, Colonial Development and Population in Taiwan New Jersey: Princeton University, 1954 Ramon H. Myers Mark R. Peattie The Japanese Colonial Empire, Princeton: Princeton University Press,

322 ~47 4 Chang, Han-yu and Ramon H. Myers, Japanese Colonial Development Policy in Taiwan, : A Case of Bureaucratic Entrepreneurship, Journal of Asian Studies. 22, 4 (1963, Ann Arbor) : ~21

323 ~ ~ ~214

324 Company ~172

325 Slate ~ ~ ~ ~1942

326 % 65% ~4 5

327 % 13% 45% 1% 1~ % 9 60% 0 0% % % 84 21% 11 3% % 8 50% 0 0% % % % 16 4% % 9 50% 0 0% % % % 31 6% 479

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329 % % 119 8% % 24 32% 7 9% % % % 123 7% % 14 23% 4 6% % % % 133 7% % 28 29% 8 8% % % % 131 7% % 28 27% 8 8% % % % 126 7% % 2.8% 5% %

330 % 24 13% % 32% ~ ~

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332 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % 27%

333 328 60% 32~44% 50% 10% 25% 10% % 9 60% 3 20% % 0 0% % % % 27 7% 13 3% 18 5% % 8 50% 4 25% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% % % % 30 7% 13 3% 20 5% % 6 33% 4 22% 3 17% 1 6% 0 0% % % % 33 7% 15 3% 21 4% % 7 37% 5 26% 2 11% 1 5% 0 0% % % % 41 7% 14 2% 24 4% ~ ~121

334 % 6 32% 5 26% 3 16% 1 5% 0 0% % % % 48 7% 16 2% 26 4% % 6 27% 7 32% 3 14% 1 5% 0 0% % % % 56 7% 20 3% 30 4% % 7 29% 9 38% 3 13% 1 4% 0 0% % % % 66 8% 19 2% 31 4% % 8 31% 10 38% 3 12% 1 4% 0 0% % % % 69 8% 20 2% 34 4% % 10 33% 10 33% 3 10% 2 7% 0 0% % % % 81 9% 21 2% 34 4% % 11 37% 11 37% 3 10% 1 3% 0 0% % % % % 20 2% 27 3% % 10 33% 11 37% 4 13% 1 3% 0 0% % % % % 16 2% 32 4% % 9 25% 16 44% 6 17% 1 3% 0 0% % % % % 17 2% 31 3% % 9 22% 18 44% 8 20% 1 2% 0 0% % % % % 16 2% 29 3% % 15 32% 16 34% 9 19% 1 2% 0 0% % % % % 17 2% 28 3% % 15 28% 19 35% 11 20% 2 4% 0 0% % % % % 16 2% 26 2% % 16 29% 20 36% 10 18% 2 4% 0 0% % % % % 15 1% 25 2% % 22 31% 26 37% 12 17% 1 1% 0 0% % % % % 15 1% 24 2% 1232

335 % 17 28% 24 39% 10 16% 2 3% 0 0% % % % % 17 1% 24 2% % 21 29% 24 33% 14 19% 1 1% 1 1% % % % % 18 1% 35 2% % 24 32% 24 32% 12 16% 2 3% 0 0% % % % % 18 1% 23 1% % 27 44% 15 24% 8 13% 1 2% 0 0% % % % 163 9% 21 1% 29 2% % 36 38% 31 32% 12 13% 2 2% 0 0% % % % 154 8% 20 1% 27 1% % 45 44% 30 29% 11 11% 2 2% 0 0% % % % 126 7% 17 1% 31 2% % 25% 22% 15% 1.6% ~241

336

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338 % 15% 28% 18% 17% 5% 1% 5% 1% 88% 6

339 334 73% 16% 82% 10% 73% % 73% 68%

340

341 ~315

342

343 % 15% 92%

344

345 340 69% 1911~ ~1945

346 ~

347 * * * 1936* 1937* 1937* 1938* * * *

348 * 1943* * 1936* 1940* * 1937* * 1940* 1939* * / 1922* 1922* 1922* * * 1940* 1940*

349 * 1940* 1940* 1940* 1939* 1934* * 1940* * * 1941 * 1~5

350

351 tsu

352 贌

353 ~214 4~ ~656

354 ~ ~ ~2 43~44

355 ~ ~ :

356 ~ ~64 183~ ~ ~597 93~94

357 ~ ~

358 ~

359 ~192 Michael A. Barnhart, Japan Prepares for Total War: The Search for Economic Security, ( Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987 ) 90 Mark R. Peattie ~ ~

360 ~ ~ ~ ~157

361 supercorportion George W. Barclay, Colonial Development and Population in Taiwan, ~ ~196 Prosea Occasional Paper, ~

362 357 85% 50% ~ ~ ~ ~

363

364 359

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367 362 The Business of the Colonial Frontier: Companies and Entrepreneurs in Eastern Taiwan during the Period of the Japanese Colonialism Lin, Yu-ju Abstract Past studies of economic history of Taiwan during the period of Japanese colonialism generally ignored the problem of regional differences and unequal development. This paper focuses on the position and features of eastern Taiwan in the economic history of Japanese colonialism in Taiwan, and the special status and role of Japanese capitalists on Taiwan s colonial frontier. Until the beginning of Japanese colonial rule, eastern Taiwan lagged behind other parts of the island in terms of its development. The types of the company that operated there, the products they produced, and the nature of capital invested there were different from those of other parts of Taiwan, and exhibited many peculiarities common to the colonial frontier. We can divide the development of companies in eastern Taiwan into two phases. The first was the pre-1930 era. Prior to the 1930s, and due to the threats posed by the aborigines, as well as poor transport infrastructure, frequent natural disasters, and a lack of labour, few domestic Japanese business magnates were attracted to the area as they had been with western Taiwan. During the Meiji and Taish periods, Taiwan-based Japanese businessmen came to the East, and became the leading force behind the development of companies there. The second phase started with the outbreak of war between China and Japan in The War created new opportunities for the development of industries in the previously backward East. With policies enacted in response to war-time industrial needs, the policy of aboriginal management was largely successful, the needed infrastructure completed, and encouragement from state and industry, eastern Taiwan developed Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica