Microsoft Word - Primer Epigraphy Supplement Part1 Inscription.docx

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1 A Primer in Chinese Buddhist Writings Supplement: Epigraphy

2 Acknowledgements Thanks are due to the members of the epigraphy seminar of 2016 that worked with and contributed to what follows: Allan Ding, Sinae Kim, Sangyop Lee, Kedao Tong, Dan Tuzzeo and Likun Yang. Sinae Kim worked on extensive revisions to this supplement and should be listed as co-author. Please send corrections and suggestions to: October, 2016 Cover: Rubbing in the collection of the Peking Library. Běijīng tuúshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編 (Zhèngzhōu: Zhōngzhōu gǔjí chūbǎnshè, 1989), vol. 4, p

3 Table of Contents Preface... 3 Short Donative Inscriptions The Zhái Mán Maitreya Stele The Chéng Duàn ér Stone Stūpa The Táng Xiǎohǔ Maitreya Stele The Liú Wèi Maitreya Stele Stele in the Nelson-Atkins Museum The Hán Xiǎohuá Image from Qīngzhōu The Yuánzhào, Yuánguāng Maitreya Image An Inscription from Fángshān An Inscription from Lóngmén Zhái Fèngdá Inscription from Dūnhuáng (Bonus track) Lotus Sūtra Colophon Longer Inscriptions Stele in the Hénán Museum A Stūpa for a Parrot Rooster Tomb Inscription Epitaph for a Tang Monk The Dampa Stele Votive Inscriptions on the Southern Dynasties Stone Buddhist Images Discovered on Xī ān Road in Chéngdū Inscription for the Reconstruction of the Guǎngfú Chán Monastery of the Wise

4 Preface This supplement is intended primarily for advanced students interested in Chinese Buddhism. Before attempting this supplement, students should work through the main three volumes of the Primer and, ideally already have a good command of Classical Chinese. I do not gloss common terms here, focusing instead on introducing the main sources for Buddhist epigraphy in China, including extant pieces now housed in museums, rubbings of inscriptions, collections of transcriptions, archaeological publications, and local gazetteers. Part 1 of this supplement provides a brief introduction to each piece and a bibliography of relevant sources. Part 2 includes annotation of difficult passages, and reflects class discussion over alternate readings for a given passage. Part 3 provides an English translation. After working through the material, with reference to Parts 2 and 3 as needed, the student should attempt to return to Part 1 and read the primary sources without recourse to Parts 2 or 3, or any other external material. Eventually, I hope to expand this supplement with more selections from local gazetteers, an important source for Buddhist epigraphy in China. 3

5 Short Donative Inscriptions 1. The Zhái Mán Maitreya Stele Background Our first inscription is found above an image of Maitreya on a stele now preserved in the Kyoto National Museum, but presumed to have been made in Henan (see photo below). Below the image of Maitreya is a longer inscription (Wànshòu sì beījì 萬壽寺碑記 ) that I do not include here. The longer inscription dates the image to 706. Below we will look at some instances in which the original stone is lost, the inscription surviving only in one or more rubbings (tàpiàn 拓片 ). The practice of making rubbings goes back to at least the fifth century, but most extant rubbings are from the late Qing and early part of the twentieth century. 1 The rubbing (see image below) for our stele shows how even in cases in which the original stele or image survives old rubbings often preserve inscriptions that are no longer visible on the stone. I reproduce a rubbing from the Peking Library collection below. In addition to making rubbings, literati and modern scholars have copied out inscriptions in epigraphical collections. Again, these can be helpful for interpreting characters no longer visible on the original stone or in later rubbings. And, again, at times inscriptions survive only in such collections. The great novelist and scholar Lǔ Xùn 魯迅 in the early decades of the twentieth century hand-copied a large number of rubbings, collected in his Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻 1 For a survey of the history of Chinese rubbings, see Kenneth Starr, Black Tigers: A Grammar of Chinese Rubbings (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008). The collections of the Peking Library and the Fu Ssu-nien Library are particularly useful. Many of the rubbings of the Peking Library collection are available in a 100 volume set, Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯编 (Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chūbǎnshè, ). This collection is available in digital form at Stanford students have access to this database. The first time you use it, you need to register a username and password. For a catalog of the Fu Ssu-nien holdings of rubbings for the Northern Wei period, see Fójiào tàpiàn yándú xiǎo zǔ 佛教拓片研讀小組, Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ cáng Běi Wèi jìniàn fójiào shíkē tàběn mùlù 中央研究院歷史語言研究所藏北魏紀年佛教石刻拓本目錄 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn shǐyǔsuǒ, 2002). 4

6 手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987). 2 below. I reproduce his transcription of this rubbing My transcription below is based on yet another source, originally published in 1915, about the time that Lǔ Xùn began to record inscriptions in his book. This work is by the great scholar of Buddhist art Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, entitled Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p. 235, which I have compared with the other sources mentioned above. This inscription, along with the longer passage that follows, have been cited as evidence for conceptions of heaven and hell in China in the early sixth century. 2 Zhào Chéngjié 趙成杰, Lǔ Xùn jīnshíxué yánjiù de shíjiàn yǔ kāituò 魯迅金石學研究的實踐與開拓, Liáochéng dàxué xuébào 聊城大學學報 (2015.6), pp

7 Zhái Mán Maitreya stele. H. 123 cm, W. 70 cm. Kyoto National Museum. Photo from Dorothy C. Wong, Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2004), p

8 Rubbing in the collection of the Peking Library. Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編 (Zhèngzhōu: Zhōngzhōu gǔjí chūbǎnshè, 1989), vol. 4, p

9 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, volume 1, p

10 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, volume 1, p

11 Inscription 佛弟子翟蠻為亡父母洛 3 難弟造彌勒像一塸, 願 4 使亡者上生天上 託生西方 侍 5 佛佐右, 供養三寶時 3 Notice that the non-standard 洛 is given for 落. 4 Again, note the form the character takes in the original by looking at Lǔ Xùn s transcription. 5 Notice that Lǔ Xùn gives 待 which matches the rubbing. In inscriptions, the radical 亻 is often interchangeable with 彳 (e.g. 佛 is often written as 彿 ). 10

12 Bibliography Běijīng túshūguǎn jīnshí zǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編 (Zhèngzhōu: Zhōngzhōu gǔjí chūbǎnshè, 1989), vol. 4, p. 80. Fójiào tàpiàn yándú xiǎo zǔ 佛教拓片研讀小組 ed. Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ cáng Běi Wèi jìnián fójiào shíkē tàběn mùlù 中央研究院歷史語言研究所藏北魏紀年佛教石刻拓本目錄. Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐyǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguǒ shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), p. 80. Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, vol. 1, pp Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p Starr, Kenneth. Black Tigers: A Grammar of Chinese Rubbings. Seattle: University of Washington Press, Wong, Dorothy C. Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2004), p. 97. Zhào Chéngjié 趙成杰, Lǔ Xùn jīnshíxué yánjiù de shíjiàn yǔ kāituò 魯迅金石學研究的實踐與開拓, Liáochéng dàxué xuébào 聊城大學學報 (2015.6), pp

13 2. The Chéng Duàn ér Stone Stūpa Background The following inscription comes from the base of a stone stupa discovered during construction in the city of Jiǔquán 酒泉, Gansu Province in centimeters tall, and 12 centimeters in circumference, the stupa is now in the Gansu Provincial Museum. The stupa includes images of seven Buddhas and a cross-legged Maitreya. The inscription below is followed by a section from the Ekōttarāgama-sūtra 增壹阿含經 卷 結禁品 (CBETA, T 2, no. 125, p. 776, a19-20) which we don t include here. This inscription is often cited as evidence for the prevalence during this period of belief in the latter days of the Dharma (mòfǎ xìnyǎng 末法信仰 ). The transcription of the inscription (on the base) given here is based on that given in Wáng Yì 王毅, Běi Liáng shítǎ 北涼石塔 ( 文物資料叢刊 ) (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 1977), pp in comparison with the rubbing below. 6 Jīn Shēn 金申 gives 1960, but this seems to be a mistake. 12

14 Zhāng Bǎoxǐ 張寶璽, Běi Liángshítǎyìshù 北涼石塔藝術 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi císhū chūbǎnshè, 2006), p

15 Detail from Zhāng Bǎoxǐ 張寶璽, Běi Liángshítǎyìshù 北涼石塔藝術 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi císhū chūbǎnshè, 2006), pp

16 Inscription 涼 7 太緣二年歲在丙子 8 六月中旬, 程段兒自惟薄福, 生值末世, 不觀佛典, 自竭為父母 合家立此石塔形象, 願以此福, 成無上道, 並及命過秋官女妻 陵男亦同上願 7 Jīn Shēn 金申 (Zhōngguó lìdài fóxiàng túdiǎn 中國歷代紀年佛像圖典 [Beijing: Wenwu chūbǎnshè, 1994], p. 433) gives 惟 for 涼, but a blowup of a rubbing of the inscription suggests 涼 is right. A colophon to a fragment from Turfan ends with 維太緣二年, 歲在丙子四月中旬, 令狐廉嗣於酒泉勸助優婆塞史良奴寫此經. Our inscription is followed by a copy of a passage from a scripture itself followed by a colophon indicating that the same figure ( 書令狐廉嗣 Clerical Scribe Hú Liánsì) copied both pieces. See Zhāng, Běi Liáng shítǎ yìshù, pp Most scholars take this to be 436. Jin argues that it should instead be 337. Wèi Jìn nánběi cháo diāosù also gives 337 (p. 12). 15

17 Bibliography Abe, Stanley K. Ordinary Images (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp Jīn Shēn 金申, Zhōngguó lìdài jìnián fóxiàng túdiǎn 中國歷代紀年佛像圖典 (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 1994), p Lǐ Yùqún 李裕群, Běicháo wǎnqí shíkūsì yánjiù 北朝晚期石窟寺研究 (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 2003), p Zhāng Bǎoxǐ 張寶璽, Běi Liáng shítǎ yìshù 北涼石塔藝術 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi císhū chūbǎnshè, 2006), pp ; p. 61; pp

18 3. The Táng Xiǎohǔ Maitreya Stele Background As far as I know, the original stele for the following inscription does not survive; we have only rubbings and transcriptions. One early transcription, reproduced below, comes from the Táozhāi cáng shí jì 陶齋藏石記 by Duān Fāng 端方 ( ). Duān was a Qing official who, among other prominent posts and assignments, was sent by the emperor on a fact-finding mission to the West (including a visit to Washington D.C.) to report on models of constitutional government. Duān was an avid collector of antiques, many of his pieces eventually finding their way into Western museums (most notably, his collection of bronzes was sold, after his death, to the Metropolitan Museum in New York). He also had a large collection of rubbings, many of which were eventually incorporated into the Peking Library collection. 9 This collection, along with many similar collections is available in a useful database (Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē shǐliào huìbiān 中國歷代石刻史料匯編 available to Stanford students) at: Unfortunately, judging by this example, the database contains mistakes (see comparison below). 9 Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch ing Period (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1942), vol. 2, pp

19 18

20 19

21 Duān Fāng 端方, Táozhāi cáng shí jì 陶齋藏石記, juàn 9, pp. 15b-16a (Taipei: Yìwén yìnshūguǎn, 1966). 20

22 Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē shǐliào huìbiān 中國歷代石刻史料匯編 Mistakes and omissions are marked with a red dot to the right. You can check these in the database itself by clicking on the 圖像頁 icon in the upper right-hand corner of the screen. 21

23 Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯编, vol. 6, p

24 Inscription 武定六年五月三日, 廣武將軍奉車都尉清敞隊主唐小乕仰為皇帝大承相, 右 為七世亡父母 見存眷属造弥勒像一區 願國祚永隆万代 有願先亡生天, 離苦受樂, 見存徳福, 生 世 值仏聞法, 含生之類同登正覺 仏弟子唐小 乕敬造 Bibliography Běijīng túshūguǎn jīnshí zǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯编, vol. 6, p Duān Fāng 端方, Táozhāi cáng shí jì 陶齋藏石記, juàn 9, pp. 15b-16a (Taipei: Yìwén yìnshūguǎn, 1966). Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguó shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), p Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, vol. 2, p Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p

25 4. The Liú Wèi Maitreya Stele Background The following inscription comes from the lower portion of the back side of the stele discovered at Shífó 石佛 temple in Fángshān 房山 County, Héběi Province. This inscription dates the image to 502 (in the third year of Jǐngmíng 景明 era of Northern Wei). 70 centimeters tall, and 65 centimeters in circumference, the original stone was allegedly stored in Paris 10, which is now in the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (Östasiatiska museet), Stockholm, Sweden. 11 The stele depicts an image of Maitreya Buddha in the center in high relief, flanked by two smaller bodhisattvas. The back side of the stele is decorated with images of Śākyamuni Buddha and Prabhūtaratna Buddha (Duōbǎo Rúlái 多寶如來 ) sitting in a pavilion surrounded by donors or believers. This is a depiction of a scene from the eleventh chapter of the Lotus Sūtra, The Emergence of the Treasure Stupa chapter ( Jiàn bǎotǎ pǐn 見寶塔品 ), where Prabhūtaratna Buddha leaves the state of nirvāṇa and comes to the world in order to listen to Śākyamuni preach the Lotus Sūtra. Prabhūtaratna Buddha offers half of his seat in the treasure stūpa to Śākyamuni Buddha, and Śākyamuni enters the stūpa and takes the half of the lion s seat. The transcendental power of the two Buddhas in the stūpa enables the stūpa and their entourage to float in mid-air. 12 * Sinae Kim prepared this piece for the class, including the translation. 10 Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 5, p. 10. Běiwèi jìnián fójiào shíkē tàběn mùlù 北魏紀年佛敎石刻拓本目錄 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2002), p. 19. Osvald Sirén, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1970), vol. 3, pls For the photos of both sides of the stele and the detailed description, visit the website of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities. I include the photos on page CBETA, T 9, no. 262, pp. 32b16-34b22. As Wang mentions in his book, the scene where twin Buddhas Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna seated side by side inside the Many Treasures Stūpa was one of the most popular motifs in medieval Chinese Buddhist art. Its staple form is almost ubiquitous, appearing on cave-shrine walls and votive stelae across China. He also raises questions as to why this scene was so popular in medieval China but absent in India and Central Asia, and why it became so firmly fixed in the medieval Chinese imagination. Eugene Y. Wang, Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), p

26 Not only does this inscription express hope for the rebirth of the deceased in a heaven (shàngshēng tiānshàng 上生天上 ), 13 it also seems to express the hope that the deceased would subsequently be reborn in the human realm (xiàshēng rénzhōng 下生人中 ) when their lives in the heaven are exhausted. 14 The transcription of the inscription given here (on page 10) follows the Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi Shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, volume 1, pp In the footnotes, I compare Lǔ Xùn s transcription with those from Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), No. 5, pp (CBETA, I 1, no. 5, p. 11, a0-b12), the Táozhāi cáng shí jì 陶齋藏石記 by Duān Fāng 端方, juàn 6, pp. 6b-8a, and the Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguó shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998) by Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, p. 177, and also with the rubbing itself. 13 The expression to be born above in a heaven (shàngshēng tiānshàng 上生天上 ) is also found in the short donative inscriptions of our class material, e.g. The Zhái Mán Maitreya Stele (No. 1) and The Táng Xiǎohǔ Maitreya Stele (No. 3). 14 Regarding the wish for the consecutive rebirths of the deceased in the heavens and then in the human world, see Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguǒ shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), pp , and Friederike Assandri and Wang Ping, Multiple Souls and Destinations: Early Medieval After-Life Conceptions in the Mirror of Six Dynasties Stone Inscriptions, Journal of Chinese Characters 韓國漢字研究 3 (2010), pp Friederike Assandri and Wang Ping s paper quotes the Fóshuō zuò fóxíngxiàng jīng 佛說作佛形像經 (T no. 692, vol. 16), which says that one of the merits of creating Buddhist images is that, After they die they will be reborn in the heaven. When the long life in the heavens is finished, then they will come back to be born in the world and will be sons of rich families, with uncountable money and treasures, and after they may obtain Buddha s nirvāṇa. ( 死即生天上. 天上壽盡, 復來下生世間, 為富家作子, 珍寶奇物不可勝數, 然後會當得佛泥洹道 ) (Translation from Assandri and Wang). 25

27 Liú Wèi Maitreya Stele. H. 70 cm, W. 65 cm. Photo from Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 5, p

28 Liú Wèi Maitreya Stele. Stored in the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (Östasiatiska museet), Stockholm, Sweden. _AD,_limestone,_traces_of_pigments_-_Östasiatiska_museet,_Stockholm_-_DSC09371.JPG 27

29 Rubbing from Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 5, p

30 29

31 30

32 31

33 32

34 33

35 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, vol. 1, pp

36 Duān Fāng 端方, Táozhāi cáng shí jì 陶齋藏石記, juàn 6, pp. 6b-8a 35

37 Inscription 肱 15 妻侯侍佛 弟子劉莫肱侍佛 弟子劉芒侍佛 武跡景照皇帝時, 家祖劉黃兄弟九人, 四人臺士, 黃蒙國寵受作丁零護軍 16 三州賢作, 冀州刺史侍佛時 劉清作條郡太守, 勳作葙州刺史侍佛 劉愛國恩俱作護軍封建依將軍直縣子, 劉羌作三郎董作殿中尚書征東將軍直縣子侍佛時 劉還香夫妻侍佛 劉采妻趙侍佛時 15 Notice that Lǔ Xùn and Duān Fāng give a variant of 肱, while Yán Juānyīng gives 胳. 16 Notice that Lǔ Xùn and Duān Fāng give 作, while Yán Juānyīng gives 佐. 36

38 景明三年十一月十一日, 弟子劉未 劉堆 劉寄 劉黑等四人造彌勒像一軀, 上為國家皇帝, 併 17 及七世父母 眷屬 村舍 大小常与佛 願上生天上, 下生人中, 侯王居仕, 富貴家產 願 從心, 所求如意, 天下太平, 五穀豐登, 人民安樂, 永離諸苦 劉倉成 夫妻侍佛 弟子劉市德侍佛 妻孫侍佛時 息阿祖 零和 阿慶 道興兄弟 四人侍佛時 17 Notice that Lǔ Xùn gives apparently a variant of 併, Hóu Xùdōng gives 并, Duān Fāng gives 隊, and Yán Juānyīng gives 仰. 37

39 Bibliography Assandri, Friederike and Wang Ping, Multiple Souls and Destinations: Early Medieval After-Life Conceptions in the Mirror of Six Dynasties Stone Inscriptions. Journal of Chinese Characters 韓國漢字研究 3 ( ), pp Běiwèi jìnián fójiào shíkē tàběn mùlù 北魏紀年佛敎石刻拓本目錄 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2002), p. 19. Duān Fāng 端方, Táozhāi cāng shí jì 陶齋藏石記, juàn 6, pp. 6b-8a. Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguó shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), p Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, vol. 1, pp Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 彫塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p Sirén, Osvald, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (New York: Reprinted by Hacker Art Books, 1970), vol. 3, pls Sūn Guànwén 孫貫文, Běijīng Túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn cǎomù 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本草木 2, Kǎogǔxué jíkān 考古學集刊 8 (Běijīng: Dìzhì chūbǎnshè, 1994), p Wang, Eugene Yuejin. Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), pp Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 5, pp (CBETA, I 1, no. 5, p. 11a0- b12). 38

40 5. Stele in the Nelson-Atkins Museum Background This inscription appears on the back of an image in the Nelson-Atkins Museum in Kansas City. The opening lines, in abstract terms, provide justification for making Buddhist images at all. This is standard in longer stele inscriptions. There are apparently no records of this inscription in the epigraphical collections. Nor are there rubbings in the major collections. Front of image. Nelson-Atkins Museum, Kansas City. 39

41 Back of the Yǐn Shòuguó Buddha image. Nelston-Atkins Museum. Photo from Jīn Shēn, Zhōngguó lìdài jìnián fóxiàng túdiǎn, p

42 Inscription 夫至道虛寂, 理不自興 然眾像不建, 則真容无以明 ; 郡言不敘, 則宗極无 以朗 由是釋迦能人, 見生王宮, 應權方便, 廣設津渡 清信士尹受國, 為亡考造釋迦文石像一區, 作功以就, 僅發微願 : 上願七世 父母, 未來見世, 常与三寶共會 又願亡考, 生生之處, 遇佛聞法 自識宿 命, 永不退轉 次願一切途有生之類, 離諸有結, 地獄眾苦 18, 咸皆休息 緣少微福, 普同斯願 維大代太和十八年歲次甲戌四月乙巳朔八日任子敬造 訖 Bibliography Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòngfójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguó shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), p. 317 (no.100), pp Jīn Shēn 金申, Zhōngguó lìdài jìnián fóxiàng túdiǎn 中國歷代紀年佛像圖典 (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 1994), pp , p Note where the character 苦 is on the image. Apparently, the craftsman did not leave enough space for it. 41

43 6. The Hán Xiǎohuá Image from Qīngzhōu Background In 1996, while excavating the remains of the Lóngxīng Monastery 龍興寺 in Qīngzhōu 青州, Sāndōng, archaeologists discovered a large cache of Buddhist images, ranging in date from the Northern Wei all the way to the Northern Song. The inscription below identifies one of these images as among the earliest of the finds. In addition to its value for dating the finds, the inscription illustrates the beliefs and values of an elite lay woman of the sixth century. Front of Hán Xiǎohuá image. Qīngzhōu shì bówùguǎn 青州市博物館, Qīngzhōu Lóngxīng sì fójiào zàoxiàng yìshù 青州龍興寺佛教造像藝術 (Jìnán: Shāndōng měishù chūbǎnshè, 1999), pl

44 Qīngzhōu shì bówùguǎn 青州市博物館, Qīngzhōu Lóngxīng sì fójiào zàoxiàng yìshù 青州龍興寺佛教造像藝術 (Jìnán: Shāndōng měishù chūbǎnshè, 1999), pl

45 Inscription 永安二年二月四日, 清信女韓小華敬造彌勒像一軀, 為亡夫樂醜兒與亡息祐 興 迴奴等, 後己身並息阿虎, 願使過度惡世後, 生 尊貴, 世 侍佛 Bibliography Shāndōng sheng Qīngzhōu shì bówùguǎn 山東省青州市博物館, Qīngzhōu Lóngxīng sì fójiào zàoxiàng jiàocáng qīnglǐ jiǎnbào 青州龍興寺佛教造像窖藏清理簡報, Wénwù 文物 2 (1998), pp Qīngzhōu shì bówùguǎn 青州市博物館, Qīngzhōu Lóngxīng sì fójiào zàoxiàng yìshù 青州龍興寺佛教造像藝術 (Jìnán: Shāndōng měishù chūbǎnshè, 1999), pp. 1-2, pl

46 7. The Yuánzhào, Yuánguāng Maitreya Image Background The following inscription follows a typical pattern of somewhat longer dedicatory inscriptions, beginning with the date, the names of the donors and the recipient of the merit, and followed with a paeon (sòng 頌 ). The inscription is interesting in part because the two donors are both nuns and sisters (i.e. of the same parents). We have at least two separate rubbings and transcriptions in at least two separate sources. Here I include only the rubbings in one collection, but provide references in the bibliography in case you want to compare them with other sources. Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 100, p

47 Yán, Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn, p. 264, detail (first half of inscription). 46

48 Yán, Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn, p. 264, detail (second half of inscription). 47

49 Inscription 大齊武平六年歲次己未五月甲寅朔廿六日己卯, 佛弟子比丘尼圓照 圓光姊 妹二人為亡妣 亡兄朱同, 敬造雙彌勒玉石象一軀 上為皇帝 陛下 群僚 百官 州郡令長 又為七世先亡 現存眷屬 一切含生有形之類 普沾斯福 乃為頌曰 : 峨 玉象, 妙飾幻玄 光同五色, 淨境交連 真如法眼, 永? 願昌延 上為 亡妣, 捨家財珍, 敬造聖容 留音万年 19 比丘尼圓德 比丘尼仲菀 19 Ōmura records an inscription on the side that mentions other donors surnamed Zhu 朱. 48

50 Bibliography Běijīng túshūguǎn jīnshízǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編 (Zhèngzhōu: Zhōngzhōu gǔjíchūbǎnshè, 1989), vol. 8, p. 67. Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, vol. 4, pp Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 100, pp

51 8. An Inscription from Fángshān Background What follows is an example of a colophon to an inscribed sūtra. This inscription, following an engraved version of the Diamond Sūtra, is from the Fángshān 房山 site, outside of Běijīng. Begun in the early seventh-century, Fángshān is the largest collection of stone scriptures in China. 20 Lothar Ledderose is involved in a large project to collect and study stone inscriptions from other parts of China as well. Volumes 1 through 3 of this project have been published. I include rubbings below, but the dedication of merit is hard to make out so I rely mostly on the handy catalog of colophons: Běijīng túshūguǎn jīnshí zǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Fángshān shíjīng tíjì huìbiān 房山石經題記彙編 (Běijīng: Shumu wenxian chūbǎnshè, 1987), p A related inscription (now otherwise lost?) is recorded by Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥 in his Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正, juàn 39, p. 20b-23a. 20 For an introduction to the Fángshān site, see Lothar Ledderose, Changing the Audience: A Pivotal Period in the Great Sūtra Carving Project at the Cloud Dwelling Monastery near Beijing, in John Lagerwey ed., Religion and Society in China (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004), vol. 1, pp

52 Rubbing of the front of the stele (our inscription is on the side, bottom left see next page for detail). Fángshān, Cave 7, no Image from Zhōngguó fójiào xiéhuì 中國佛教協會 ed., Fángshān shíjīng 房山石經 (Běijīng: huáxià chūbǎnshè, 2000), vol. 2, p

53 You can just about make out the inscription on the last line on the left. 52

54 Inscription 金剛般若波羅蜜經 垂拱元年歲次乙酉四月丙子朔八日癸未幽州范陽縣龐德相兄弟等為亡考及見 存母敬造此經合家供養 Bibliography Běijīng túshūguǎn jīnshízǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Fángshān shíjīng tíjì huìbiān 房山石經題記彙編 (Běijīng: Shūmù wénxiàn chūbǎnshè, 1987), p Lothar Ledderose, Changing the Audience: A Pivotal Period in the Great Sūtra Carving Project at the Cloud Dwelling Monastery near Běijīng, in John Lagerwey ed., Religion and Society in China (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004), vol. 1, pp Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥, Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正, juàn 39, p. 20b-23a. Zhōngguó fójiào xiéhuì 中國佛教協會 ed., Fángshān shíjīng 房山石經 (Běijīng: Huáxià chūbǎnshè, 2000), vol. 2, p

55 9. An Inscription from Lóngmén Background This is one of many inscriptions from Lóngmén. 21 This one is from the Lǎolóng Cave 老龍洞 (Cave no. 660). In addition to the extant rubbing, Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥 records the inscription in his Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正. I include copies of both below. I haven t been able to locate a picture of the inscription in situ. Bonus points if anyone can find one. For an animation piece inspired by Tomb Raider that illustrates the history of an earlier inscription from Lóngmén (yes, you read that right) see 元詳造彌勒像記 on Youtube: 21 See Amy McNair, Donors of Longmen: Faith, Politics, and Patronage in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Sculpture (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2007). 54

56 Wú Yuánzhēn 吳元真 et al ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Lóngmén shiku zaoxiang tíjì taben quan bian 北京圖書館藏龍門石窟造象題 記拓本全編 (Guìlín: Guǎngxī shīfàn dàxué chūbǎnshè, 2000), vol. 5, p

57 Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥, Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正, juàn 31, p. 7a. 56

58 Inscription 顯慶五年正月廿三日弟子王仁基敬造像一 22 上資 皇帝下及含識末爲亡 女眷属己身䓁因茲 功德俱登正覺 Bibliography Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥, Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正, juàn 31, p. 7a. Wú Yuánzhēn 吳元真 et al ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Lóngmén shiku zaoxiang tíjì taben quan bian 北京圖書館藏龍門石窟造象題記拓本全編 (Guìlín: Guǎngxī shīfàn dàxué chūbǎnshè, 2000), vol. 5, p I can t type the character. I think it is 堪, usually written 龕. 57

59 10. Zhái Fèngdá Inscription from Dūnhuáng Background What follows is an early Tang colophon from Cave 220. This is not technically epigraphy since it is not inscribed into durable material; it is instead painted on plaster. For this reason, it is not included in collections of jīnshí wén 金石文 and, of course, no rubbings can be made of it. It is instead classified as a tíjì 題記, or cartouche. Nonetheless, in style and content it is indistinguishable from the epigraphy we have seen so far. Zhái Fèngdá 翟奉達 ( ?), was a member of one of the most prominent families at Dūnhuáng. The cave in which this inscription is found (Cave 220) is a family cave, made in memory of members of the Zhái family (not unlike the Stanford Memorial Church, filled with inscriptions to various members of the Stanford family, not to mention an inscription naming the donors who funded its refurbishment after the 1989 earthquake but I digress). A number of manuscripts by or otherwise related to Zhái Fèngdá survived in Cave Jì Xiànlín 季羨林 ed., Dūnhuángxué dà cídiǎn 敦煌學大辭典 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi císhū chūbǎnshè, 1998), p For a popular account of Zhái Fèngdá, see Susan Whitfield, The Official s Tale, in Life Along the Silk Road (London: John Murray, 1999), pp

60 925 C.E., Dūnhuáng, north wall of the passageway of Cave 220. (The inscription is in the middle.) 59

61 A photograph of the inscription in Guān Yǒuhuì 關友惠, Shī Pìntíng 施娉婷 and Duàn Wénjié 段文杰, Mògāokū dì 220 kū xīn fāxiàn de fùbì bìhuà 莫高窟第 220 窟新发现的复壁壁画, Wénwù 文物 12 (1978), p

62 Inscription 清士弟子節度押衛守隨軍 謀銀青光祿大夫檢校國子祭酒兼御史中承上柱國 潯陽翟奉達抽㨔 貧之財敬畫新檨大聖文殊師利菩薩一軀並侍從兼供養菩薩 一軀即 觀世音菩薩一軀摽斯福者先奉 為造窟亡靈神生淨土不墜三塗之災 次 ( 為 ) 我過往慈父長兄勿溺幽間苦難長遇善囙兼為見在老母合家子孫無諸災 障報願平安福同萌芽罪弃涓流絕筆之間聊為頌曰大聖文殊瑞相嵬 光照世界 感現千威于時大唐同光三年歲次乙酉三月丁巳朔廿五日辛巳提記之耳 Bibliography Dūnhuáng yánjiūyuàn 敦煌研究院, Dūnhuáng Mògāokū gōngyǎngrén tíjì 敦煌莫高窟供養人題記 (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 1986), p Guān Yǒuhuì 關友惠, Shī Pìntíng 施娉婷 and Duàn Wénjié 段文杰, Mògāokū dì 220 kū xīn fāxiàn de fùbì bìhuà 莫高窟第 220 窟新发现的复壁壁画, Wénwù 文物 12 (1978), p. 43. Qiang, Ning. Art, Religion & Politics in Medieval China: The Dūnhuáng Cave of the Zhai Family (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2004). This whole book is about Cave 220. Qiang does not translate our inscription, but does provide extensive information on the inscription s author, Zhái Fèngdá. For a picture of the inscription (still too small to see clearly), see pl

63 11. (Bonus track) Lotus Sūtra Colophon Background The last short inscription, is, again, not technically epigraphy. It is a colophon (tíjì 題記 ) from a Dūnhuáng manuscript. As such there are of course no rubbings of the text, nor is it referred to in epigraphical collections. I place it here to illustrate the overlap in style and content with the dedicatory inscriptions we have seen on stone and metal above. As I noted above, the Chéng Duàn ér stūpa contains an inscription that was copied by a figure who also copied a text discovered at Turfan. We saw above that Zhái Fèngdá appears both on the walls of Dūnhuáng and in the manuscripts. In other words, not only is the overlap between epigraphy and manuscript colophons; at times the same people made both. For the colophon below, skip the end of the Lotus Sūtra and concentrate on the colophon. I don t transcribe this colophon. You are on your own. Stein 791 is another copy of the Lotus Sūtra copied for the same woman in the same month. 62

64 Colophon to Lotus Sūtra, Stein no. 592 (Or. 821). Photo from IDP.bl.uk 63

65 Longer Inscriptions 1. Stele in the Hénán Museum Background For the next piece, we turn from short dedicatory inscriptions commissioned by an individual or by a few members of a family to an example of longer inscriptions commissioned by groups of people. The first is an example of an inscription on a stele (zàoxiàng bēi 造像碑 ) commissioned by a devotional society (called yìyì 邑義 or yìyì 義邑 or yìshè 邑社 ). The principle of these inscriptions is the same as for the short inscriptions we have already seen: to create merit for the donors by making an image. Inscriptions by devotional societies often provide clues as to the organization of the society, including the titles of the various officers monastic and lay in the organization, and their activities. 24 As in the case of short, dedicatory inscriptions, for the Tang we have examples of texts on paper from Dūnhuáng composed by and for devotional societies. 25 This following stele is interesting both for the titles of members of the devotional society, and for what both the art and the inscriptions reveal about the understanding of the life of the Buddha in this sixth-century community. The abstract, florid opening to the inscription is typical of such steles. For this piece I give all of the material I have been able to find, but don t provide a transcription. The stele is stored in the Hénán Xīnxiāng Museum ( 河南新鄉市博物館 ), and the photographs of the stele are in Yán Juānyīng s 顏娟英 Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 45, p See Liu Shufen Art, Ritual and Society: Buddhism Practice in Rural China during the Northern Dynasties, Asia Major, New Series, vol. 8, no. 1 (1995), pp Hǎo Chūnwén 郝春文, Zhōnggǔ shíqí shèyì yánjiù 中古時期社邑研究 (Taipei: Xīnwénfēng chūbǎnshè, 2006). For a collection of related Dunhuang documents, see Níng Kě 寧可 and Hǎo Chūnwén 郝春文 eds., Dūnhuáng shèyì wénshū jíjiào 敦煌社邑文書輯校 (Nánjīng: Jiāngsū guji chūbǎnshè, 1997). 64

66 Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 45, p

67 Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品 (Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006), no. 45, p

68 67

69 68

70 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi Shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, volume 2, p

71 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi Shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, volume 2, p

72 Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi Shūhuà chūbǎn, 1987), case 2, volume 2, p

73 Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), pp

74 Bibliography Beijīng túshūguǎn jīnshízǔ 北京圖書館金石組 ed., Běijīng túshūguǎn cáng Zhōngguó lìdài shíkē tàběn huìbiān 北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編 (Zhèngzhōu: Zhōngzhōu gǔjíchūbǎnshè, 1989), vol. 6, p. 95. Hóu Xùdōng 侯旭東, Wǔ, liù shìjì běifāng mínzhòng fójiào xìnyǎng 五 六世紀北方民眾佛教信仰 (Běijīng: Zhōngguó shèhuì kēxué chūbǎnshè, 1998), p Liú Shúfēn 劉淑芬, Wǔ zhì liù shìjì Huáběi xiāngcūn de fójiào xìnyǎng 五至六世紀華北鄉村的佛教信仰, Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ jikan 中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊 63.3 (1993), p Lǔ Xùn jíjiào shíkē shǒugǎo 魯迅輯校石刻手稿 (Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi shūhuà chūbǎnshè, 1987), case 2, vol. 2, pp Lù Yàoyù 陸耀遹, Jīnshí xùbiān 金石續編, juàn 卷 2 (Taibei: Guófēng chūbǎnshè yingyin, 1965 [1874]), reprinted in Shíkē shǐliào xīnbiān 石刻史料新編 (Taibei: Xīnwénfēng, 1977), jí 輯 1, cè 册 4, pp. 3034b-5. Lù Zēngxiáng 陸增祥, Bāqióngshì jínshí bǔzhèng 八瓊室金石補正, juàn 19, p. 19. Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina bijutsushi: Chōso hen 支那美術史 : 雕塑篇 (Tōkyō: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1972 [1915]), p Wénwù biānjí wěiyuánhuì 文物编辑委員会 ed., Xīnxiāng Běicháo Suí Táng shì zàoxiàng jì zàoxiàngbēi 新鄉北朝 隋 唐石造像及造像碑, Wénwù ziliao congkan 文物資料叢刊 5 (Běijīng: Wénwù chūbǎnshè, 1981), p Yán Juānyīng 顏娟英 et al., Běicháo fójiào shíkē tàpiàn bǎipǐn 北朝佛教石刻拓片百品, Taipei: Zhōngyāng yánjiùyuàn lìshǐ yǔyán yánjiùsuǒ, 2006, no. 45, pp

75 2. A Stūpa for a Parrot Background Composed in 803 by the Tang literatus Wéi Gāo 韋皋, the following inscription was written for a stūpa said to contain the remains of a parrot that recited the name of Amitābha. This story is cited a number of times in Song-era Buddhist histories. As far as I know, the stele is no longer extant, but the content of the inscription is preserved in a number of sources, including local gazetteers (more on those below) and literary collections, most prominently the Complete Works of the Tang (Quán Táng wén 全唐文 ), compiled on imperial command in the early nineteenth century. Many such works can be found in the literary collections (wénjí 文集 ) of prominent writers, even when the original steles do not survive. Such pieces can be mined for information about monasteries and monks, but are also valuable for understanding literati attitudes towards Buddhism. This is how works like these (though later than this example) are used in Mark Halperin s Out of the Cloister: Literati Perspectives on Buddhism in Sung China, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center: Distributed by Harvard University Press, 2006) and Timothy Brook s Praying for Power: Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late-Ming China (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University and Harvard-Yenching Institute: Distributed by Harvard University Press, 1993). For this work, find and prepare the text of the Xīchuān yīngwǔ shèlì tǎjì 西川鸚鵡舍利塔記 from the version in the Quán Táng wén, fascicle 453 and/or a version in one of the Sichuan gazetteers, such as the sixteenth-century Sìchuān zǒngzhì 四川總志 or the eighteenth-century Sìchuān tōngzhì 四川通志. These last two can be found in the database Zhōngguó fāng zhì kù 中國方誌庫 available through the East Asian Library at: These record that the stupa was located in what is today Sānxué Monastery 三學寺 in Jīntáng County 金堂縣 just outside of Chengdu. The stupa itself is no longer extant. A search in CBETA for the opening characters of the inscription ( 元精以五氣 ) uncovers another half dozen transcriptions of this piece in Buddhist collections. 74

76 Bibliography Lóng, Xiǎnzhāo 龍顯昭 ed., Bā Shǔ fójiào bēiwén jíchéng 巴蜀佛教碑文集成 (Chéngdū: Sìchuān chūbǎnshè, 2004), p

77 3. Rooster Tomb Inscription Background I can t resist including one more piece in this admittedly marginal sub-genre of epigraphy related to birds: a Ming-dynasty era inscription for a Chan chicken (what exactly that means isn t yet clear to me), composed by Lín Rúyuán 林如源 and copied by the prominent Ming calligrapher Zhāng Ruìtú 張瑞圖. The stele is still extant. I include below the best quality reproduction I could find of a rubbing from it. Fújiàn zōngjiào béiing huìbiān 福建宗教碑銘彙編, edited by Zhèng Zhènmǎn 鄭振滿 and Kenneth Dean (Fúzhōu: Fújiàn rénmín chūbǎnshè, 2003), vol. 1, pp

78 Nián Liángtú 粘良圖 and Wú Yòuxióng 吳幼雄 ed., Jìnjiāng bēikē xuǎn 晉江碑刻選 (Xiàmén: Xiàmén dàxué chūbǎnshè, 2002), p

79 4. Epitaph for a Tang Monk Background Epitaph tablets (mùzhìmíng 墓誌銘 ) refers to a square limestone slab placed inside a tomb; the word tablet distinguishes them from steles which were erected above ground. The inscriptions on the epitaphs usually detail the life story of the deceased, with an emphasis on his or her accomplishments. Because they were buried, epitaph stones are often well-preserved. In addition to making their way into collections of rubbings, thousands of epitaphs have been excavated since the beginning of the twentieth century. The most prominent collections of epitaph tablets are from the Tang dynasty for which we have approximately 7,000 examples either in the form of the original stone or in rubbings, about a third of which are for women. Together with later periods, we have approximately 40,000 examples. 26 The vast majority of surviving epitaph tablets from the Tang are for high status figures from around the two Tang capitals of Luòyáng and Cháng ān. Relative to epitaphs for officials, epitaphs for monastics are relatively rare, and are almost always for monks or nuns born to prominent families. Below I provide the text of an epitaph for a monk called Fǎzàng 法藏. This is not the famous Fǎzàng, known for his exegesis of the Flower Adornment Scripture, born five years later. This Fǎzàng has attracted attention because of his connections to the Sānjiējiào 三階教 movement Endymion P. Wilkinson, Chinese History: A New Manual, 9.1 Commemorative Writings (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2015 [1998]). 27 Chén Jīnhuá, Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fǎzàng ( ) (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp Jamie Hubbard, Absolute Delusion, Perfect Buddhahood: The Rise and Fall of a Chinese Heresy (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2001), p Zhāng Zōng 張宗, Zhōngguó sānjièjiào shǐ 中國三階教史 (Běijīng: Shèhuì kēxué wénxiàn chūbǎn shè, 2013), pp

80 This rubbing (64*77 cm) is held by Táiwān guójiā túshūguǎn 台灣國家圖書館 (National Central Library). 79

81 Quán Táng wén 全唐文, juàn 328, p

82 81

83 Wáng Chǎng 王昶, Jīnshí cuìbiān 金石萃編, juàn 卷 71, reprinted in Shíkē shǐliào xīnbiān 石刻史料新編 (Taibei: Xīnwénfēng chūbǎngōngsī, 1977), vol. 2, p

84 Wáng Chǎng 王昶, Jīnshí cuìbiān 金石萃編, juàn 卷 71, reprinted in Shíkē shǐliào xīnbiān 石刻史料新編 (Taibei: Xīnwénfēng chūbǎngōngsī, 1977), vol. 2, p

85 Wáng Chǎng 王昶, Jīnshí cuìbiān 金石萃編, juàn 卷 71, reprinted in Shíkē shǐliào xīnbiān 石刻史料新編 (Taibei: Xīnwénfēng chūbǎngōngsī, 1977), vol. 2, p

86 Bibliography Wáng Chǎng 王昶, Jīnshí cuìbiān 金石萃編, juàn 卷 71, reprinted in Shíkē shǐliào xīnbiān 石刻史料新編 (Taibei: Xīnwénfēng chūbǎngōngsī, 1977), vol. 2, pp

87 5. The Dampa Stele Background Dampa (Ch. Dǎnbā 膽巴 ) ( ) was one of the most influential Tibetan lamas at the Yuan court, but the following piece is more famous in the Chinese tradition for its calligrapher than for the subject of the text itself. The Dampa Stele (Dǎnbā bēi 膽巴碑 ), written by the Yuan literatus Zhào Mèngfǔ 趙孟頫 ( ) in 1316, has long been held up by connoisseurs as an exemplary piece of elegant Regular script, one of the finest works left by one of China s greatest calligraphers. A draft for the inscription in the form of a scroll is now possessed by the Palace Museum in Beijing. Because of its popularity among modern calligraphy enthusiasts, this paper draft has been repeatedly reprinted in recent decades. 28 The Fózǔ tǒngjì 佛祖統紀 records that in 1308, the crown prince Āyur-parvata, who later became Emperor Rénzōng 仁宗, promulgated an edict ordering the composition of Dampa s biography (xíngyè 行業 ). 29 This biography was included in the Fózǔ lìdài tōngzǎi 佛祖歷代通載. 30 Compared to this long biography, the Dǎnbā bēi seems structurally disconnected, largely made of a short biography, an origin myth of Lóngxīng Monastery 龍興寺, and Dampa s prophecy. The prophecy cannot be found in any other sources, though the biographical entries in the Fózǔ lìdài tōngzǎi and the Yuán shǐ 元史 include other miracles brought about by Dampa that the Dǎnbā bēi does not mention. Interestingly, this composition was not included in Zhào Mèngfǔ s literary collection Xuěsōng zhāijí 雪松齋集. Though the site of Lóngxīng Monastery was subject to both tomb raiding and archeological excavation, the original stele has never turned up and no authentic rubbing is known to exist. According to the Fózǔ lìdài tōngzǎi, Dampa s relics were kept in the Rénwáng Monastery 仁王寺, rather than the Lóngxīng Monastery. The Yuán shǐ does not put Dampa into the list of Imperial Preceptors, indicating that the title is posthumous and Dampa never officially assumed the office of Imperial Preceptor. 31 This scroll was first catalogued by the Qīnghé shūhuà fǎng 清河書畫舫 published in 1616, some three hundred years after its supposed composition. * Allan Ding prepared this piece for the class, including the translation. 28 Here I use Zhào Mèngfǔ dìshī Dǎnbā bēi 趙孟頫帝師膽巴碑, in Gùgōng zhēncáng lìdài míngjiā mòjī: Yuán 故宮珍藏歷代名家墨迹 : 元, vol. 4 (Beijing: Zijincheng chūbǎnshè, 2008). 29 CBETA, T 49, no. 2035, pp b27 ( 繼奉青宮令旨撰膽巴金剛上師行業 ) 30 CBETA, T 49, no. 2036, pp.725c14-727a6. 31 Yuán shǐ 元史, ShìLǎo zhuàn 釋老傳 (Běijīng: Zhōnghuá shūjú, 2008 [1976]), p

88 Judging from the content, the text is largely based on Dampa s official biography in the Fózǔ lìdài tōngzǎi 佛祖歷代通載 (TZ) and the Zhèngdìng fǔ Lóngxīng sì zhù tóngxiàng jì 正定府龍興寺鑄銅像記 (S) written in 1097 by Gé Fán 葛蘩. Zhào Mèngfǔ dìshī Dǎnbā bēi 趙孟頫帝師膽巴碑, vol. 4 of Gùgōng zhēncáng lìdài mòjī: Yuán 故宮珍藏歷代名家墨迹 : 元 (Běijīng: Zijincheng chūbǎnshè, 2008). 87

89 Transcription 膽巴碑 32 大元敕賜龍興寺大覺普慈廣照無上帝師碑 佛祖歷代通載 (TZ) / 正定府龍興寺鑄銅像記 (S) [1] 大元勑賜龍興寺大覺普慈廣照無上帝師之碑 集賢學士資德大 [5] 夫臣趙孟頫奉勑撰並書篆 皇帝即位之元年有詔 : 金剛上師膽 巴, 賜謚大覺普慈廣照無上帝師 勑臣孟頫 為 [10] 文並書, 刻石大都 33 寺 五年, 真定路 34 龍興寺僧迭瓦八奏 : 師本住其寺, 乞刻石寺 中 復勑臣孟頫為文並書 臣 [15] 孟頫預議 : 賜謚 大覺, 以言乎師之體 ; 普慈, 以言乎師之用 ; 廣照, 以言慧光之所照 臨 ; 無上, 以言為帝者師 既奏, 有 [20] 旨 : 於義甚當 謹按 : 師所生之地, 曰 突甘斯旦麻, 童 子出家, 事聖師綽理哲哇為弟子, 受名膽巴 TZ: 師名功嘉葛刺思 此云普喜名 聞 又名膽巴 此云微妙 西番突甘 32 This line is in Seal Script; the rest of the text is written in Regular Script. In square brackets are line numbers of the text on the scroll. 33 Zhao left the empty space for two characters, probably because at the time the decision had not yet been made about which monastery was to house the stele. 34 The character looks like a 凡 with an extra horizontal stroke inside. 88

90 梵言膽巴, 華 [25] 言微妙 先受秘密戒法, 繼遊西天竺國, 遍參高僧, 受經律論 繇是深入法海, 博採道要, 顯密兩融, 空實兼照, 獨立三界, 示 [30] 眾標的 至元七年, 與帝師巴思八俱至中國 斯旦麻人 幼孤依季父 聞經止啼 知其非凡 遣侍法王上師 年十二訓以前名 自是經科哭式壇法明方, 靡不洞貫 年二十四講演大喜樂本續等文, 四衆悦服 上師令巴至西 天竺國參禮古達麻室利 (Gautama- Śrī?) 習梵典, 盡得其傳 初世祖居潜邸, 聞西國有綽理哲瓦道徳, 願見之 帝師者, 乃聖師之昆弟子也 帝師告歸西蕃, 以教門 [35] 之事屬之於師 TZ: 世祖 遂往西凉遣使請於廓丹大 王 王謂使者曰 : 師已入滅, 有姪癹 思巴, 此云聖壽, 年方十六, 深通佛 法, 請以應命 始於五臺山建立道場, 行秘密咒法, 作諸佛 事, 祠祭摩訶伽剌 持戒甚嚴, 晝夜不懈, 屢 彰神異, 赫然流 [40] 聞 TZ: 巴入中國 詔居五臺壽寧 初 天兵南下 襄城居民禱眞武 降筆 云 有大黒神 領兵西北方來 吾亦 當避 於是列城望風欵附 兵不血刃 至於破常州 多見黒神出入其家 民罔知故 實乃摩訶葛刺神也 此云大黒 蓋師祖父七世事神甚謹 89

91 隨禱而應 此助國之驗也 自是德業隆盛, 人天歸敬 武宗皇帝 皇伯晉 TZ: 壬申留京師王公咸禀妙戒 王及今皇帝 皇太后皆從受戒法, 下 [45] 至諸 王將相貴人, 委重寶為施, 身執弟子禮, 不可 勝紀 龍興寺建於隋世, 寺有金銅大悲菩薩像 五代時契丹入鎮州,[50] 縱火焚寺, 像毀於火, 周人取其銅以鑄錢 宋太祖伐河東, 像已毀, 為之嘆息 僧可傳言, 寺有復興之讖 於是為降詔復 [55] 造, 其像高七十三尺, 建大閣三重以覆之, 旁翼之以兩樓 壯麗奇偉, 世未有也 繇是, 龍興遂為河朔名寺 方營閣, 有美 [60] 木自五臺山頰龍河流出, 計其長短 小大 多寡之數, 與閣材盡合, 詔取以賜 僧惠演為之記 S: 距真定府城之西三四里, 有大悲寺, 唐自覺禪師所造, 金銅大悲菩薩像在焉, 因以名寺 五代之亂, 契丹犯境, 燒寺鎔毀其半 以香完之 周顯德中, 國用空虛, 掌計者無遠圖, 妝羅天下銅佛, 鑄錢以資調度 於是, 菩薩之像, 又以泥易其半 宋興, 太祖皇帝開寳二年討晉不庭, 駐蹕真定, 召羣僧而問焉, 得像之興 本末 欲徙置城中, 不可 且 言像壞之時, 有文在其中曰 : 遇顯卽毀, 遇宋即興 於是詔遣中使相地於龍興寺佛殿之北, 將復建閣, 鑄銅像以慰鎮人之意 駕還京師, 未幾寺之菜園有祥光出其上, 凡三年不 90

92 滅 望氣者占之得古銅物不可勝數 時暴雨大作, 浮棟梁材千万, 計自五臺山而下至頰龍河止 州以事上聞, 詔以銅鑄像以木建閣 景祐中, 寺僧惠演録其興建之迹甚詳, 言不雅馴 TZ contains a parallel story: 師謂門人曰 : 潮乃大顛韓子論道之處, 宜建刹利生 因得城南淨樂寺故基, 將求材, 未知其計 寺先有河斷流既久, 庚寅五月, 大雨傾注, 河流暴溢 適有良材泛集充斥, 見者驚詫, 咸謂鬼輸神運焉 師始來東土, 寺講主僧宣 [65] 微大師普整 雄辯大師永安等, 即禮請師為首住持 元貞元年正月, 師忽謂眾僧曰 : 將有聖人興起山門 即為梵書奏 [70] 徽仁裕聖皇太后, 奉今皇帝為大功德主, 主其寺 复謂眾僧曰 : 汝等繼今, 可日講 妙法蓮華經, 孰復相 91

93 代, 無有已時 用 [75] 召集神靈, 擁護聖躬, 受 無量福 香華果餌之費, 皆度我私財 且預言聖德有受命之符 至大元年, 東 [80] 宮 既建, 以舊邸田五十頃賜寺為常住業 師之所 言, 至此皆驗 大德七年, 師在上都彌陀院入般涅槃, 現五色 寶光, 獲 [85] 舍利無數 TZ: 五月十八日, 師問左右 : 今正何 時? 對曰 : 日當午矣 師即斂容端 坐, 面西而逝 上聞悲悼不勝, 賜沈檀衆香, 就上都慶安寺結塔茶毘, 王及四衆, 莫不哀惻 是月二十九日, 勅丞相答失蠻, 開視焚塔 見師頂骨不壞, 舍利不計其數, 輪殊坐氈如故 皇元一統天下, 西蕃上師至中國不絕, 操行謹嚴 具智慧神通, 無如師者 臣孟頫為之頌曰 : [90] 師從無始劫, 學道不退轉 十方諸如來, 一一所受記 來世必成佛, 住娑婆世界 演說無量義, 身為 [95] 帝王師 度脫一切眾, 黃金 92

94 為宮殿 七寶妙莊嚴, 種種諸珍異 供養無不備, 建立大道場 邪魔及外道, 破滅無踪跡 法力 [100] 所護持, 國土保安靜 皇帝皇太后, 壽命等天地 王宮諸眷屬, 下至於含生 歸依法力故, 皆證佛菩 [105] 提 成就眾善果, 獲無量福德 臣作如是言, 傳布於十方 下及未來世, 讚歎不可盡 延祐三年月立石 Bibliography Gùgōng bówùguǎn 故宮博物館 ed. Gùgōng zhēncáng lìdài mòjī: Yuán, vol. 4, Zhào Mèngfǔ dìshī Dǎnbā bēi 故宮珍藏歷代名家墨迹 : 元 4: 趙孟頫帝師膽巴碑. Běijīng: Zijincheng chūbǎnshè, Sòng Lián 宋濂 ( ) et. al., Yuán shǐ 元史, ShìLǎo zhuàn 釋老傳 (Běijīng: Zhōnghuá shūjú 中華書局, 2008 [1976]), p Sūn Bǎowén 孫寶文 ed. Zhào Mèngfǔ mòjī jīngpǐn xuǎn, vol. 1. Dìshī Dǎnbā bēi 趙孟頫墨跡精品選 1: 帝師膽巴碑 (Jílín: Jílín wénshǐ chūbǎnshè, 2006). 93

95 6. Votive Inscriptions on the Southern Dynasties Stone Buddhist Images Discovered on Xī ān Road in Chéngdū Background The following is an example of the wealth of Buddhist epigraphical material that modern archaeology in China continues to discover. For keeping up with recent discoveries, the two most prestigious journals are Kǎogǔ 考古 and Wénwù 文物, but there are many other important archaeological journals that also contain recent discoveries of Buddhist epigraphy, art and architecture. The following are the rubbings and transcriptions of the votive inscriptions carved on stone statues that were discovered on Xī ān Road 西安路 in Chéngdū in May The excavation unearthed nine stone images, of which eight were Buddhist images and one was Daoist. Five had votive inscriptions carved on the backside. The dates in these votive inscriptions range from 490 to 551. An archeological and art historical report of these statues, as well as rubbings of their inscriptions, can be found in Chéngdū shì Xī ān lù Náncháo shíkē zàoxiàng qīnglǐ jiǎnbào 成都市西安路南朝石刻造像清理簡報, Wénwù 文物 1998, no.11, pp (the eleventh installment of the year 1998 issue; henceforth the Archeological report ), written by the Archeological Team of Chengdu Municipality and the Institute of Archaeology of Chengdu. I introduce some emendations to the Archeological report s transcription of the inscriptions. Two things are immediately notable about these inscriptions: First, their stylistic affinity to the contemporary Northern Dynasties votive inscriptions should be pointed out. Although the authors of these inscriptions express their political identification to the Southern Dynasties by using Southern Dynasties era names, the artistic details of the statues and the literary style of the inscriptions follow the Northern examples strikingly closely. Coupled with the fact that material evidence of this particular type of devotional expression in the South at this time is next to absent, this might be an indication that the provenance of the inspiration for the Sichuanese practice of creating stone votive image stelae was mainly Northern China. 35 * Sangyop Lee prepared this piece for the class, including the translation. 35 See Dorothy C. Wong, Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (Honolulu: University of Hawai i Press, 2004), pp for a discussion of the Sichuanese examples of stone stelae. See also Liu Shufen, The Return of the State: On the Significance of Buddhist Epigraphy and Its Geographic Distribution, in Early Chinese Religion Part Two: The 94

96 Second, there are some minor details that shed additional light on the early medieval Chinese Buddhists understanding of the concept of the parents of the previous seven generations/rebirths (qíshì fùmǔ 七世父母 ). In H1:3 we see the expression qī zǔ xiānlíng 七祖先靈 (the deceased souls of the previous seven generations of ancestors). The word ancestors/grandfathers/patriarchs, i.e., zǔ, suggests that the expressed recipients of the merit were the commissioner s previous seven paternal ancestors (which need not exclude the female members of the paternal lineage, i.e. paternal grandmothers, zǔmǔ, and so on). In contrast to this, in H1:4, likely written by a female, 36 we see the expression, qī [one character illegible because of damage] yīnyuán 七因緣. This wording suggests that the commissioner is making a wish for the people with whom she had either familial or social ties (yīnyuán) in her previous seven rebirths. That these two disparate understandings are attested in the same locale and from roughly contemporaneous eras could be taken as another indication of the ambivalence of the concept of qíshì fùmǔ in medieval China. Also, it may be noted that the role the gender difference played in these two kinds of understanding of the concept might be significant, since a female could not have been as devoted as a male with regard to worshiping and caring for the individual s own paternal ancestors given her equally-expected filial loyalty towards her male spouse s paternal ancestors. Period of Division ( AD), edited by John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp for a discussion about the scarcity of votive stelae in Southern China. 36 This tentative identification of the donor s gender as female is based on the possibility that the donor s son should have had a different family name from the donor. See transcriptions and translations. 95

97 Inscriptions H1:1 (transcription in p. 6 in the archeological report; rubbing in p. 8 of the archeological report) 齊永明八年庚午歲十二月十九日, 比丘釋法海与母為亡父造弥勒成佛石像一 軀 37 願現在眷属, 七世父母, 龍華三會, 希 38 登初首 一切眾生, 普同斯願 37 Reading 軀 according to the archeological report, but this is not very clear from the rubbing. 38 The archeological report gives a square symbol (meaning illegible) but I tentatively read it as 希. 96

98 H1:3 (transcription in p. 7; rubbing in p. 13) 中大通二年七月八日, 比丘晃藏奉為亡父母, 敬造釋迦石像一軀 依 39 此善 因, 願七祖先靈一切眷属, 皆得離苦, 現在安隐 三界六道, 普同斯誓 39 Tentatively reading 依 instead of 藉 as given in the archeological report. 97

99 H1:4 (transcription in pp. 7-8; rubbing in p. 14) 太清五年九月丗 40 日, 佛弟子柱僧逸, 為亡兒李佛施, 敬造育王像供养 願 存亡眷属, 在所生處, 值 41 佛聞法, 早悟无生 七因緣及六道含 42 令, 普同 斯誓 谨 40 丗 (= 卅 ) instead of 三十 the Archeological report reads. 41 The archeological report gives illegible (they give a square symbol), but it seems reasonable to read what we can see from the rubbing a 值. 42 The archeological report gives 含 instead of 合. Also, it is interesting to note that the inscription is using the homophone 令 in the stead of 靈. 98

100 H1:5 (transcription in p. 9; rubbing in p. 13) 大同十一年十月八日, 佛弟子張元, 為亡父母敬造釋迦多寶石像 併藉兹 43 功德, 願過去者 44 早登瑤 45 土, 奉睹諸佛 現在夫妻男女一切眷属, 無諸鄣㝵, 願三寶應諸夫自身 Following the archeological report reading, 兹, but uncertain. 44 Following the archeological report reading, 者, but uncertain. 45 Following the archeological report reading, 瑤, but uncertain. 46 Following the archeological report reading, 應諸夫自身, but uncertain. 99

101 H1:7 (transcription in p. 10; rubbing in p. 16) 天監三年甲申三月三日, 比丘釋法海, 奉為亡母亡姉, 造无量寿 47 石像 願 亡者乘 48 此福, 去離危苦, 上昇天堂, 与諸賢聖 而為眷属, 廣及一切眾生, 等成无上正覺 47 Following the archeological report reading, 寿, but uncertain. 48 (= 乘 ) in the rubbing. 100

102 Bibliography Chéngdū shì Xī ān lù Náncháo shíkē zàoxiàng qīnglǐ jiǎnbào 成都市西安路南朝石刻造像清理簡報, Wénwù 文物 1998, no. 11, pp

103 7. Inscription for the Reconstruction of the Guǎngfú Chán Monastery of the Wise Background Composed in 1203 by the literatus Lù Yóu 陸遊 ( ), the following inscription (Chóngxiū zhìzhě 49 Guǎngfú shàn/chán si ji 重修智者廣福椫寺記 ) was written for the reconstruction of a monastery in Wùzhōu 婺州 (present-day Jīnhuá, Zhèjiāng) at the request of Zhòngqǐ 仲玘, the abbot of the monastery. 50 The inscription was both composed and handwritten by Lù Yóu, himself a renowned writer and calligrapher. The reconstruction was proposed because the monastery, named Guǎngfú (literally: Extensive Blessings), had been largely abandoned by the time Master Zhòngqǐ, an old friend of Lù Yóu, arrived to take up the post. The stele inscription is not only valuable for the study of Lu s calligraphy style, but also for what the inscription suggests about the understanding of geomantic principles in the design and construction of a Buddhist monastery in the Song times as well as of the relationship between literati and Buddhism. Significantly, eight letters Lù Yóu exchanged with Zhòngqǐ (in Lù s running script style) concerning the request to compose the inscription and do the calligraphy were carved on the back of the stele. 51 In these letters, Lù emphasized a few things: 1) he enjoined Zhòngqǐ to inform him of the name and post(s) held by the person who was going to do the calligraphy on the plaque (tí é rén 題額人 ) for he wanted to ensure that everything carved on the tablet was handwritten by himself, including the head of the stele (bēi é 碑額 ); 2) he enjoined Zhòngqǐ to make sure that no extra characters would be mistakenly carved on the stele; 3) he suggested following the Stele of the Chénkuí * Kedao Tong prepared this piece for the class, including the translation. 49 This is the title given on the tablet. 椫 (shàn) is a variation of 禪 (chán). 50 The inscription itself does not mention the position Zhòngqǐ held. But in a letter Lù Yóu wrote to Zhòngqǐ, Lù referred to Zhòngqǐ as the head of halls (tángtóu 堂頭 ), or chief monk, that is, abbot. See Wáng Zhòngyáo 王仲堯, Nán Sòng fójiào zhìdù wénhuà yánjiū 南宋佛教制度研究 (Běijīng: Shāngwù yìnshūguǎn, 2012), vol. 1, pp For details about the letter(s), see the discussion below and footnote Lù Yóu 陆游, Lù Yóu quánjí jiàozhù 陆游全集校注, ed. Qián Zhònglián 錢仲聯 (Hángzhōu: Zhèjiāng jiàoyù chūbǎnshè, 2011) vol. 10, pp For the letter in which Lù Yóu refers to Zhòngqǐ as the head of halls, see ibid., vol. 10, p

104 Pavilion 宸奎閣碑 in Míngzhōu 明州 52 with regard to stele style and layout (bēi yàng 碑樣 ). 53 The present translation, however, focus only on the inscription. The original stele is still extant. 54 The transcription below is primarily based on that contained in the Jīnshí xùbiān 金石續編 by the Qing scholar Lù Yàoyù 陸耀遹 ( ). 55 In addition, I consulted a rubbing of the stele now in the collection of National Library of China. 56 The stele is recorded in the Qing (Kangxi era) Jīnhuá yìzhì 金華邑志, although the inscription was not provided in it. 57 The inscription is also found in Lù Yóu s literary collection (Wèinán wénjí 渭南文集 ) under a different title. 58 The Jinshi xu bian and the Wèinán wénjí editions suggest a number of discrepancies with the rubbing. When such discrepancies occur, I follow the word choice in the rubbing. With regard to punctuation, I consulted two modern editions of the Wèinán wénjí. 52 The stele inscription was composed and handwritten by Sū Shì 蘇軾 ( ) in 1070 for the famous Āyùwáng (Guǎnglì) Monastery 阿育王廣利寺 in Míngzhōu (modern Níngbō, Zhèjiāng). For the inscription, see: Sū Shì, Sū Shì wénjí 蘇軾文集, ed. Kǒng Fánlǐ 孔凡禮 (Běijīng: Zhōnghuá shūjú, 1986), vol. 17, pp Lù Yóu quánjí jiàozhù., vol. 10, p The original stele is now in the collection of Jīnhuá Museum, Zhèjiāng. 55 Lù Yàoyù 陸耀遹, Jīnshí xùbiān 金石續編, juàn 19, in vol. 9 of Lìdài shíkē shǐliào huìbiān 歷代石刻史料彙編 (Beijing: Běijīng túshūguǎn chūbǎnshè, 2000), p Zhào Guóyīng 趙國英, Féng Jiànróng 馮建榮, and Fù Hóngzhǎn 傅紅展, eds., Lù Yóu shūfǎ quánjí 陸遊書法全集 (Běijīng: Gùgōng chūbǎnshè, 2013), p Zhào Tàishēn 趙泰甡, ed., Jīnhuá yìzhì 金華邑志, vol. 7 (Běijīng: Guójiā túshū guǎn chūbǎnshè, 2011). The relevant pages are missing in the modern reprint edition of the contemporaneous Jīnhuá xiànzhì 金華縣志. But the content of the two gazetteers appears to be largely the same, with the extant reprint edition of the Jīnhuá yìzhì having two more volumes preserved. Nonetheless, the exact relationship between the two seemingly identical gazetteers remains unclear to me. See Zhào Tàishēng, ed., Jīnhuá xiànzhì, vol. 7 (Táiběi: Chéngwén chūbǎnshè, 1983). 58 The last part of the inscription is not found in the Wèinán wénjí edition. See footnote 63 below. 103

105 Front of the stele, rubbing in the collection of National Library of China. Photo from: Zhào Guóyīng 趙國英, Féng Jiànróng 馮建榮, Fù Hóngzhǎn 傅紅展, eds., Lù Yóu shūfǎ quánjí 陸遊書法全集 (Běijīng: Gùgōng chūbǎnshè, 2013), p

106 Detail from the rubbing in the collection of National Library of China. Photo from: Zhào Guóyīng, Féng JIànróng, Fù Hóngzhǎn, eds., Lù Yóu shūfǎ quánjí (Běijīng: Gùgōng chūbǎnshè, 2013), p

107 Dated 1203 C.E. Lù Yàoyù 陸耀遹, Jīnshí xùbiān 金石續編, juàn 19, in vol. 9 of Lìdài shíkē shǐliào huìbiān 歷代石刻史料彙編 (Běijīng: Běijīng túshūguǎn chūbǎnshè, 2000), p

108 Dated 1203 C.E. Lù Yàoyù, Jīnshí xùbiān, juàn 19, in vol. 9 of Lìdài shíkē shǐliào huìbiān (Běijīng: Běijīng túshūguǎn chūbǎnshè, 2000), p