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3 Roger Chartier, Genre between Literature and History 206 Prasenjit Duara, Why is History Antitheoretical? Part 3: 271 Robert Darnton, On Clifford Geertz Field Notes from the Classroom

4 * 1 Historicism History * DAADExchanges of Knowledge between China and the West: Historical and Philosophical Dimensions Prof. Michael Lackner Dr. Iwo Amelung Dr. Joachim Kurtz Dr. Michael Schimmelpfennig Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation (Chicago :University of Chicago Press, 1995) 3 1

5 universal history

6 Edward Jenks

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13 40 41 Karl Jaspers J. M. Thompson B. Croce universal history Kelly Boyd edited, Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing (London and Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1999), pp ; Harry Ritter edited, Dictionary of Concepts in History (New York and London: Greenwood Press, 1986), pp

14 44 Flavio Biondo aetas subsequens 45 G. Vico Condorcet Kant Herder Karl Löwith Immanuel Wallerstein

15 Matteo Ricci René Etiemble (Virgile Pinot)

16 Sina Ptolemey Jules Aleni

17 Jeseph Edkins Ernst Faber Willam Muirhead Walter H. Medhurst Robert Morrison William Milne Tour of the World(Sketch of World) K. F. A. Gutztataff General HistoryUniversal History E. C. Bridgman

18 59 John Fryer Devello Zololos Sheffield Outline of General History WeberWilson Swinton RawlinsonThalheimer

19 61 62 Timothy Richard R. G. Collingwood

20 Young John Allen

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34 117 history history J. Wells Williams, English and Chinese Vocabulary, in the Count Dialect ( Macao: Printed at the Office of the Chinese Repository,1844) criticisms on national general of the three kingdoms Rev. Justus Doolittle, A Vocabulary and Hand-Book of the Chinese Language, Romanized in the Mandarin Dialect. In Two Volumes Comprised in Three Parts. Foochow: Rozario, Marcal, and Company. London: Trubner& Co. New York: Anson D. F. Randolph & Co. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft & Co p Students Apparatus classicsmemoirs general historyhistory national history annals complete records separate do. mixed history philosophical works military works medical do. herbal book of arts book of laws topographymoral writings HistoireI histoire histoire universelle 31

35 history An account of facts or events, especially in the life-development of men and nations, in the order in which they happened, with their causes and effects a universal or general history ancient history medieval history modern history A narration of facts Knowledge of facts 19 world world 119 histories Nation

36 Walter Benjamin

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38 James L. Hevia 130 Benjamin A. Elman

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40 ~37 BIBLID (2000)26p.1~ ~ ~1950

41 2 1895~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~13

42 3 national epic scientific history 1902~ ~ a 22b 23 21

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44 a

45 6 7 22b 8 collective memory 23 national history

46 7 1873~ ~ ~ Ying-shih Yü, Changing Conceptions of National History in Twentieth-Century China, in Erik Lönnroch et. al. eds., Conceptions of National History: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), 155~ ~

47 8 12 Jules Michelet, 1798~ ~ ~ Romanticism organism Hartley Coleridge,1796~1849 Friedrich Daniel E. Schleimacher, 1768~ Edgar Quine Fritz Stern ed. with Introduction, The Varieties of History: From Voltaire to the Present (New York: Meridian Books, 1956), 109~119 p Fritz Stern ed. with Introduction, The Varieties of History: From Voltaire to the Present, 109.

48 9 Johann Gottlie b Fichete, 1762~1814 individuality of nations Franklin L. Baumer ~

49 ~ ~ ~4

50 ~B.C. relevance

51 ~ ~32

52 ~ ~ ~23

53 a ~ ~ ~

54 15 34 Terrien de LaCouperie, 1844~ Terrien de LaCouperie, Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization from 2300 B.C. to 200 A.D. (Osnabruck, Ottozeller, 1966, Reprint of the edition of 1894) 36 Chapters on the elements derived from the old civilizations of West Asia in the formation of the ancient Chinese culture Terrien de LaCouperie, op. cit., 273~

55 b ~

56 ~38

57 ~ ~412

58 ~ ~ ~77

59 ~ ~51

60 ~

61 ~ ~

62 c ~

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64 ~ Karl Jaspers, 1883~ ~8K. C. Chang, Early Chinese Civilization: Anthropological Perspective (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard -Yenching Institute, 1976); Idem, Art Myth and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 44~ ~

65 26 Herodotus, 484~429B.C. Greco-Persian War PolybiusC.200~118B.C. 69 value judgement factual judgement Thucydides, c.460~c.400b.c ~

66 ~ ~ B.C. 626~ ~

67 28 75 Heinrich von Sybel, 1817~1895 Historiche Zeitschrift 76 Revue historique Gabriel Monod, 1844~ English Historical Review ~ Fritz Stern ed., The Varieties of History From Voltaire to the Present, 171~172

68 29 78 N. D. Fustel de Coulanges1830~ Stern ed., op. cit., 172~ Stern ed., op. cit., 175~ ~170

69 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~29 Ying-shih Yü, tr. by Thomas H. C. Lee and Chun-chieh Huang, The Study of Chinese History: Retrospect and Prospect, Rendition, No. 15 (Spring, 1981), 7~26

70 31 fact value 1130~

71 ~ Jerry Dennerline Ying-shih Yü, Changing Conceptions of National History in Twentieth-Century China, Jerry Dennerline, Qian Mu and the World of Seven Mansions (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989) ~8117~118

72 33 * ~26

73 Franklin L. Baumer

74 Chang, K. C., Early Chinese Civilization: Anthropological Perspective, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1976., Art Myth and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, De LaCouperie, Terrien, Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization from 2300 B.C. to 200 A.D., Osnabruck, Ottozeller, 1966, Reprint of the edition of Dennerline, Jerry, Qian Mu and the World of Seven Mansions, New Haven: Yale University Press, Stern, Fritz, ed. with Introduction, The Varieties of History: From Voltaire to the Present, New York: Meridian Books, Yü, Ying-shih, Changing Conceptions of National History in Twentieth-Century China, in Erik Lönnroch et. al. eds., Conceptions of National History: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78, Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994.

75 36 Yü, Ying-shih, tr. by Thomas H. C. Lee and Chun-chieh Huang, The Study of Chinese History: Retrospect and Prospect, Rendition, No. 15, Spring, 1981.

76 37 The National History in Ch ien Mu s Historical Thinking Chun-chieh Huang Department of History,National Taiwan University Abstract Twentieth-century China witnessed not only the constant invasions of Western powers and internecine warfares, but also the shaking of self-confidence among the Chinese people. Ch ien Mu 1895~1990 stands out as a pivotal historian to console the frustrated souls of the Chinese in twentieth century through his historical works. This paper attempts at a study of the theory and practice of the national history (kuo-shih, ) in Ch ien s historical scholarship. Ch ien Mu had been torn between the universal and the particular in historical thinking. He insisted through his writings that Chinese history had her own partic ularity which should not be regarded as Asian footnotes to the Western patterns or theories. Moreover, Ch ien Mu, in treating history as national epic as opposed to scientific history, urged the Chinese people to re-establish their own identity in Chinese history as collective memory. The present paper consists of five sections. After reviewing the content and its historical background pertaining to Ch ien Mu s notion of national history (section II), we in section III analyze the methodological issues in Ch ien s national history and compare the difference between Ch ien Mu and Hsü Fu-kuan ( 1902~1982). Section IV discusses the significance of Ch ien Mu in the context of twentieth-century Chinese historiography. Special attention is paid to the contrast between Ch ien Mu and Fu Ssu-nien ( 1896~1950). The final section V considers the significance of Ch ien Mu s historiography in twentieth-century Chinese and world historiography. Keywords: Ch ien Mu, Chinese historiography, National History, Scientific history

77 Ξ :, ;, ;,,, :,,,,,,,,,, 20 30,, ;,,, () Ξ 20,, 136,,, 2000,,,

78 , 20 20, ;?,, (analogy),,, ;,,,,, ;,,,,, (text) ( narratives), (context), ;,,,?, (social memory) (identity),,,,,,, Maurice Halbwachs (collective memory),,,,,,, ;,,, Frederick Bartlett, (schema),,, Bartlett,, Lewis A. Coser,Introduction : Maurice Halbwachs,in On Collective Memory, ed. & trans. by Lewis A. Coser (Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1992) ; Maurice Halbwachs, Les cadres sociaux de la memoire ( Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1952). 137

79 2001 5, Bartlett 1980,,, (ethnicity),, ( ) (the common belief of origins),, ( ),,,, (politics), James Fentress Chris Wichham (social memory),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ( ), ;, ;,,,,,,, (primordial attachments),,,, ; Frederick Bartlett, Remembering : A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology (London : Cambridge University James Fentress and Chris Wickham, Social Memory (Oxford : Blackwell Publishers, 1992), p. 138 Press, 1932), pp , 296..

80 ,,,,, ;, (context),,,,,, ;,,,,,,, (),,,, 11 : 21 :, 31 :,, 41 :,,, :,,,, (), ;, (context) ;,, Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore, Archaeology : Discovering Our Past (Mountain View, CA. : Mayfield Publish2 ing Co., 1987), pp :,, ( ),

81 ,,,,,,,,,, ;, alies), (anom2,,, (contexturalize),,,,,, ;,,,,,,,,, ,,,,, (narratives),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, :,,, ( ), 1997

82 ,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,, ;,,,, ; :,,,,, ;, ;,,,,,,,, ( ),, 50, 6 ( ),,, ( ) 11,,,, :, ;, : 21,,,,,??, 31,,, 141

83 ?, ;,,,, 41,,,,,,,, ;, () 12,,, (),, ;,, 23, ( ) ( ) (),,, 2,, 3 ;,,, ;, 4 ;,, ( ), (), ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ),,,,,,,, (),,, (),,,, 19 Henry S. Maine ( Ancient Law),, Maine, Maine :, Henry S. Maine, Ancient Law : 142 (USA : Dorset Press, 1986Π1861). Its Connection with the Early History of Society and its Relation to Modern Ideas

84 (), () ( ),,,( ), ( ), ( )?, :,,,,, ;,,,,,,,,,, ;,, historical mentality historicity,, Bartlett (schema) ;,,,,,, ;, 80,, ;, 9 () 9 ( ) ; Frederick Bartlett, Remembering : A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology. 143

85 ,, 50 ( ),, ;,,,,,,, 20 30, : () :,,,,,,,, 20 40, : (,,, ) Atzige ( ), Ma2 gedu ( ),, (Nohsu),,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;,,,, ;,,, : :,,, 1999, :,, ( ), 1932, 332 :, 2, 26, :,, , 1941, ,

86 ,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;, : ;, (R. Stien),,,,,,,, ;, ( ) :,,,,, : :,,,,,,, ;, (),, ;,,,,,, :,,, 1992, 29 :,,,,, 145

87 ,,,,,,,,,,, (), ( ),,,,, (do ethnogra2 phy in archives),,,,, (),, ;,, ; :,,,,,, ;, ;,,, ( ),, ;,,, : 146,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;, ;,

88 ,,,,,,, ( ),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 1929, ( ), (),, 70,,, ;,,,, 1952, ( : ) Anderson, Benedict, 1991, Imagined Communities. Rev. edition (London : Verso, 1991) ; Hobsbawm, Eric & Terence Ranger ed., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1983). Litzinger, Ralph A., 1995, Contending Conceptions of the Yao Past,in Cultural Encounters on Chinaπs Ethnic Frontiers. Ed. by Stevan Harrell (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 1995) ; Diamond, N., Defining the Miao,in Cultural Encounters on Chinaπs Ethnic Frontiers. : :, 28, 1997,

89 CONTENTS law of the Germanic people. After repeated setbacks they turned to the Christian godly law. With energetic elucidation by the religious reformers and the practice of struggle the godly law became the ideological pivot for the German peasants in their wars. The characteristics of godly law of the German peasant war marked its in2 heritance from the previous peasant struggles as well as its relationship with the religious reform. Theories and Methodologies Tribe and Autocracy Yi Jianping (120) The model of tribe established by some Western scholars stresses the aspect of the inevitable relationship between tribe and autocracy. However, the classic theory and the mainstream theory of contemporary cultural anthropology suggest that the chieftain enjoyed non2compulsory authority instead of compulsory authority sup2 ported by legal force or violence. In the course of decision making of a tribal society the chief certainly had great influence, but it was usually not the chief alone that took part in or influenced the decision2making, which was frequently collectivistic in nature. In the early history non2autocracy, including democratic insti2 tutions, was extensively seen in Asia, Africa and America, not just in Europe represented by Greece and Rome. Historical Facts, Historical Memory and Historical Mentality Wang Mingke (136) Historical literature and oral history are seen ashistorical memory. We in the historical study circles intend to explore the social context and the related historical mentality that produced this memory. By social context we refer to human relations in resource sharing and competition, and the concomitant identity and dis2 tinction in ethnicity, gender or social class. And by historical mentality we mean the selection of materials and narrative pattern by which the historical memory was formulated. Both social context and historical mentality and their continuity and changes are historical facts that are of concern to us. By dint of the evidences in the origin and formation of the Chinese nation this paper stresses a historical study combining historical facts, his2 torical memory and historical mentality. Retrospective on Chinese Historiography in the 20 th Century A Retrospective and Prospective on Studies on the Chinese History of Chamber of Commerce Feng Xiaocai (148) Studies on Chinese Urban Economy during the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the 20 th Century Ren Fang (168) Academic Review A Survey of the Academic Colloquium on Thinking and Society Zhang Fentian Wang Lihua (183) 191

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115 9 (, ), (,2005 ),, (Sgren Kierkeg2 aard) :,,,, ( reality),,,, (linguistic t urn),,/, 20 :,,,,,,,(J. F. L yotard) (deat h of centers),,,,,,,, (fiction),, ( P. Nora ), history, herstory? (history),, (herstory), (J. L. Gorman),,,,,(master narrative),,???,, (difference),,,(j. Scott),,,,,?,, ( G. M. Trevelyan),,

116 10 (L. Febvre), ( M. Block) :,,,,, =,,,,,,,,, 70,, ; ;,,,,,,, , (, ),,,,, gen dai, modern ; ( modernization) (modernity),,,, (Lydia H. Liu, T ranslingual Practice : L iterature, N ational Culture, and T ranslated Modernit y China, (Berke2 ley : University of California Press, 1996, pp ),(:, : 2000,17 ),, () () ;, ;,Ulrich Beck First Modernity () Seco nd Modernity () Beck,, ; ( t he Other) (Ulrich Beck,The Cosmopolitan Perspective : The Soci2 ology of the Second Age of Modernity, B ritish J ournal of sociology 51 :12000, pp ),,,

117 ,,,,,,,,,, 1950,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (Havold Kohn) : (Drawing Conclusions : Il2 74 lustration and the Pre - history of Mass Culture), :,, 1993 ;, ( ), 1998 ;,,, 2000

118 ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (iconography) 19,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (Wu Hung) : : ( The Wu Liang Shrine : ( ) 8 4 (1997 ) :,,, 1998, 2 (, 1999 ),,, 1995, 1825,,, (, 1988 ) 2 3,, The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art, Stanford University Press, 1989), 75

119 2002 4,,,,,,,, 20 (Paul Pelliot),,,,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, g g g gg g = gg g gg g,, (, 1994 ) 1, 7,, , 747 Huang Shih2shan, Summoning the Gods from Heaven, Earth and Water : Paintings of thethree Officials of Heaven,,, ( ), ,, 1983, ,, 1988, 3278 :,,, 76, 28, 2, Earth and Water in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts and their Association with Daoist Ritual Performance in the 12 th Century, ( ), 2000,,, 6 4 (, 1995) ;,,,, (, 1982 ) 7 8

120 ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,?,,,?,,,,,?,,, :,, 1997, 460, 7 (,, 1993 ) ,, 1988, , 6, , 209,25, (147 ),,,,,,, (John Lagerwey), 3 (,, 1993 ),, 1964 ;, , 1, 7,

121 2002 4?,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;, ;, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 45 2 (, 1974 ) :,, (Joseph R. Levenson ) ( Confucian China and Its Modern Fate), 78, 26, 155 ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?( 8,, 8 A B), (,, 2000, 87 )

122 ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 1,,,,,,,,,,,,, 1665 Johan Nieuhof,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 2,, :, 16,, 1999, Walter D. Mignolo The Darker Side of the Renaissance : Literacy, Territoriality, and Colonization (Michigan University Press, 1995) 5, ( ), (, 1990 ) 285,, (, 1987 ) : 102, (, 1984 ) 512 (Athanasii Kircheri, Athanasius Kircher) : ( China Monumentis), Amsteloda2 mi, 1667 ; Charles Van Tuyl China Illustrata with Sacred and Secular Monuments, Various Spectacles of Na2 ture and Art and Other Memorabilia, Indiana, 1987, p. 103 Friedrich Perzynski, Von Chinas Gottern, Reisen in China, Tafel. 17, Kurt Wollf Verlag, Munchen and Leipzig,

123 ( 1190), ( 1274), 80 ( ( ),, 1990 )

124 ,,,,,,, 21 ( Friedrich Perzy ski Von Chinas G ottern, Reisen in China, Kurt Wolff VerlagΠM unchen and Leipzig, 1920),,,, 13 15,,,, 1478 Augsburg ( Buch der Natur) ,,,,,,, 31,,,,,, Joan Nieuhof, Tartarischem Cham, Keizer van China, 1665, (,, 1988, ) 81

125 2002 4,,,, 15,,,,,,,, ( ),,, (Nicolas Standaert),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?, ( ),,?,,,, 4,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, Nicolas Standaert, A Chinese Translation of Ambroise Pare s Anatomy, (, Lauren Arnold, 82,,,, ) ( Sino2Western Cultural Relations Journal),, 1999 Princely Gifts and Papal Treasures The Franciscom Mission to China and Its Influence : (Desiderata Press, San Francisco, 1999), (R. A. Stein),,, 2,, 1997, 87, (2001 1, )

126 ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,, 41 ( ),,?,,,,,,,,,,,??,?,?,,,,,, :, 6, , 6,

127 ABSTRACTS (7) Kno wledge and Doubt Theory of Knowledge in the British and American Philosophy Wang Qingjie 62 This paper makes comments on and analyses of the discussions on the nature of knowledge in contempo2 rary British and American philosophical circles. Starting from modern challenges to Platos classic definition of knowledge the paper focuses on British philosopher Alvin I. Goldmanscausal theory of knowledgeand American philosopher Robert Nozickssubjunctive conditional theory of knowledgeand their limitations. In the authors view, the critical response of contemporary theory of knowledge to the challenge from scepti2 cism shows that with regard to the nature of knowledge neither the theory of global scepticism nor the theory of knowledge holds water. In a sense, doubt constitutes a necessary mechanism to restrain thearroganceand excessivenessof knowledge and stimulate its growth. (8) Pictures in the Field of Vision in the Studies of Intellectual History Ge Zhaoguang 74 In studies on intellectual history pictorial literature has never received adequate attention. Based on anal2 yses of a hanging scroll of gods used in religious ceremonies, pictures of each others imagination of the Ori2 ental and the Occidental in early cultural exchanges, the map of the world block2printed in ancient China, a set of illustrations in an early Chinese translation book, and magic figures from Taoist classics, the paper con2 cludes that pictorial data are of great value. They embody profound choices, designs and ideas, and imply his2 torical backgrounds, values and conceptions. Serving not only as supplementary data to written materials, pic2 torial data are also important bodies of literature that deserves more attention in the study of intellectual histo2 ry. We need, however, to develop new methods of study different from those in the study of written literature. (9) Constructive Principles of Judicial Hierarchy A Comparative Survey in Perspective of Civil Procedure Fu Yulin 84 The three categories of judicial structure found in todays world, appeal, revision and cassation, devel2 oped in different ways before finally conforming broadly to athree2level hierarchy. Some similar principles conceived in the structure of judicial hierarchy affected this course, e. g., control of scale of the courts of last resort, the functional division among three judicial tiers, reciprocal checks of judicial authorities among three levels, the demarcation of factual issues from legal issues as well as jurisdictional and discretionary is2 sues. These technical principles were decisive for judicial hierarchy to achieve ideals of doctrinal coherence, correctness, justification, finality and authority. In contrast to general judicial structures and principles, Chinas current judicial hierarchy structure is characterized by a pillarπcolumn structure, without functional division among different levels, and with similar operational style. This kind of hierarchy was formed and developed against Chinas special historical, politi2 cal, economical and cultural background. And it is now facing a series of technical dilemmas, especially in regard to Chinese traditionalsuper2inquisitorial procedure,which leads to abuse of judicial authority on one hand, and abuse of legal capacity to sue on the other. In the meantime, modern society has been advancing dramatically, altering the primary basis by which justice is itself justified. In the new circumstances the origi2 nal defects of the Chinese current judicial hierarchy are amplified, contributing to a sharp increase in petition retrial cases. To conclude, the author proposes a judicial hierarchy system of three tiers of court, and considers certain anticipated practical obstacles. 205

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160 A M - -C9: Ul [ À± 0X(ÈC! M ((Û 0 GB9: d "Ñ Ù ÿ<( ª- > Ù! )u (?s 9: [ s*tu³«zð #ð X 5}?µ(+&±5 F12 ª ( ÂF [ 2&(?M 12 [$!+a <³%u9: ¾&± áf;ò >Cà«''j áâàæëäèå êdæ Í` ê`ç ê`çèì -CB«'@ B ( i SÅÆ1 "# ùï.o «'{Äâ«ä êcí` ê`ç é ãìht #5ú 12" v X % è *9: pq( 8,~s «' M9: 1( ªYÅÆàÑÀ?Ô!«' ~ á pqr at>c+# Me% /;CU/12 º Ê A" _ âýì;åj F ³Ð óh M#5H "# ãv ï Y 'Ò S > 5 ³ n?c B þ o v0( Ñ N ÅV «''j v Í( À <=@ ÉÊÊ ð dà á½5r 8d2 N/ Ï. ù Ï(Y 7 7 Ê < = S É _âaè æ RX"#FûËW M ¾ (oã ] 5 Kéêäì78,-,[ UÚa +78u- h V cj5ã?#ïàñà ~.> 9: ( N ô<=b8½j «' Àá >C å! Àt 6F] (Ì,[M½j 9 UÚ 0B,: B?0 ÑÀuH$% n ± í&( Óv X ìí í»( h ]â³5 í ìv ;'8 /n _ s±,-,[ µ9m/!m FE./ Q "ÑÂÃ( d2³ 0- B½j µ±í\ K é í 5^_9: ã BM ] Ì»(rþ; XM8ä?0Ê ¹ Ù <3?0 ûë?n> (à;«' á M (ÙÛ íb r@ 5 mà Fáâ12 û57 31F484?526: î7 F54 $5249 ûý C19Fû?GB Hû21F1$9 576 < 2F?4 17 Ye47F14F5 <47F?G <5175: { B{ ;AZ?12 IJJJL: ZZM I {%Måy N$;Y571 05?2ûeL %Zj Ry Zå&@ '(Rf a-ï Ï ) õ *ÂÔ+dRº»Ôs X tj; * pë¾qra Rmn} À+ Y571 [M 05?2ûe: <û= { B{ ;AZ?12 IJJJL: ZZM r{ rþm6 qî,%*âôs -.¾î ª1S*ÂW ÀÁ 31F =47F5?G: 484?526 R» 34Z2G: ZZM Kþ KK}í RY/ 8 q R 0 äx+d À+ R H5121Z <M <M C 578: Y54û?G 576 F54 F 6G < C19Fû?GB 3û? Y?5Z [ 49F1û7: { B{ ;AZ?12 IJJ%L: ZZM IJ IJþM U¼ åæç u1bç2 34cSPÇó 5 R V W 6D78 o9ðx U¼ ro: US;<WºZ=-Ïå>V? j Z@S EARk B ÕX ù UC ¹G77 C 7F: 46M: ;04?ü424GB E71D4?91FG ûý <521ýû?715 H?499: IJ%JLM S W»'DC@í RE Ãé F U¼"wGHO% & R È#ñI; 178 ã578ld RÉ c < HûZ 25? < 2F?4 576 F54 F5F4: JBI ; Z?178 {RRILM Z) R 178 ã578: ;04?ü424GB E71D4?91FG ûý <521ýû?715 H?499: IJJKL '» RX S- 1W KXP mr\ s PL ið p&jj Q } 1$Fû?15 [M 0û ¹G77 C 7F 469M: ;04?ü424GB E71D4?91FG ûý <521ýû?715 H?499: IJJJLM 6 oë¾ 3û7526 ú?18û? 7G: H5F?1$ü 0?57F21784? Zi 31$55?6 C57624? Rè + 34D14e [995G9B ã55fð9 04Gû76 F54 < 2F?52 Y?7: IR&Bþ ;h4$4=>4? {RR{L: ZZM I &þ Iþ{RM ¹G77 C 7F *¾d V 6S WMNxO Ï xërsk OËW;F5ü178 9Fû$üL S,PRQR 1Ws=176ý 2 424$F1$19=}ÊË! Gq² + ¹G77 C 7F: ã54?4 C5D4 A22 F54 Y54 û?149 úû74ï ;@5?$5 {RR{L: ZZM þ &M A Fû: ÿ 5=49 ¹M C4D15: U VW_R Ä Òa a rçx M d- S ]ÔR Äå ' jï ZT RÓÇ

161 A ìê â9: ìyz 54s 12^ (av J ;,: 5^_à«' ~ %&³# 89H) /!,@12 DáâÍ` ê`ç ãé `èåæç ê èåéè ì 0h ¾*C PQ\?> ( _ >à«á³à áx5,- {½³¼ ñòâ Ó$[ ÊÍì ]SÍ #3Ü ÿá F \,-ªÖ 34 UÚ,:5 :E C9:B ô³,[â à ÊÍá Ç- q(/65ç, õâç 7"8 ì³áõ, ì ] (q0 {(C õ 5 " â9 [H3~Æ (-, 5à Óá A4Q+B :ì¹?0â12ì k (9ØÜ _^, _,[' µ± 8 ñð E(a + > M,[- 85ä àöõ¹i: 0Ĺ ÐýéV²á d Hü 5ñï Í N5 8,: Æ Fµ Òi,:. ( Ã+,[ t!:89i Cà ß J ½îá(,:_CStkGÞß:_ :,:, Ö 5þKÓ^ ;6 8t ª HÉ UAú,: } Q+( ~ ôt : ;? 34 Y?> ( _UÑÀ 9i( av@iâf J GX F 2[ J& C,- ) - ( Ah B *~ ~0r ¾ rm«ªí»-h< wi¼ I {Ä ÑÀB s± %& Y?( w ZrB Ù, «w =d> 0 F\?Á{Ï X$>C; JD( h,:m{é l %u {(C à á NO +&s _³a + J ÑÀvU %Fà?0áM9: - Å F( N@ a +U {(C u-.> 9:_{@ (H X& À X Å " (N5 lv4¹ K. }2&( -j O?0 <= "~ (M.i - a + <=S) _ Y ñ ( _³a + F '# Å "45É Á ÂÃ{Ä 0Ä ^_ 78u-.> 9 8.OLæ Ê (Ã+~> º }[áf ù : P< Cñï &(av {S N^ Ï. À "u&bs@ nb$> Ê D > vu%t5 Ìk (dn 2( À µ9mg.m@ X>.úN % a + Ý Ü:BZCD{S l D 5.Ä ( Ht ]; UÚÜ: OPâÎëåé Îé`ìB Û G.àB 0á Fu-.> 9:N ( A Fû: : ZM þkm evrøéèäs W; 171ý1$5F1û7L X qd Î æ k X ]S hw ÏX ] ² ç'fu2r.h î Yç ) R8 Ñ˾ÔÕRè À+r R Vc û94z5 { B{ ;AZ?12 IJJ%L: ZZM Irþ IKIÿ 5=49 ¹M C4D15: Hû9FZû24=1$52 C19Fû?1û8?5 ãm [954?1$ü: <54? û?$49 ý?û= Aý5?: Z5GB A 349Zû794 Fû û94z5 ãm [954?1$ü: { Br ; 2G IJJ%L: ZZM rij r{&ÿ û94z5 ãm [954?1$ü: Y?56 Fû?4: Y?561Fû?4B A 34Z2G { Br ; 2G IJJ%L: ZZM r{% rr{m T Vôa Z<n;Y46 C F4?9LRyCÏ ¾vw Fû 5=49 C4D15: +c mz<n ¼a[ \qbm- 1 hc Î Rè ½ ¾]@ } sijj& S I{ Â} à II% IrRÐZiX^_ R»cX^_ ¼ `XSIa Wb!cmÁß - xv½ ¾]@ } þsijj% S { Â} à þk Kr PÏÐ Î Rè j XÆj d R Õ+ d! R8 UxsjkX +d QRS! W} 68 Rg jq qef ÉX Ú Z<n grs gdh³ R8 í X S- 1Wjæ 6 jr8 ÅXÖd (ÑO ij} ijî- P - QR8 í RN Ñ * æ jï S k W*î Ð _ I&Jr SRí ibp * m kr q lhîe ERùú qâ q _RlmÔ ek±»?n¾ ÏORop(&q X R lmô a $OXS RW Õ X=- T wërq ²ô¼ kæçp] a- j %. l R

162 A Ht Ècn?.Ä77Í ( )* 8C` ùï X> 0MB«'l -HáF Nô<=QrCn; 77 9X«í»M ùï. ~ X SÒØ 0 [³> [ í» - F 0 Å(ÑN# F0@ F( ï Ñ~0 àb 0áÉÊ 0 5S$óRS G! óèb Á/bcBB «&Âa? EF¹6F N2Ì 5 («í»vu ùï «[YvU 9:ÿ0 v#ï. ( >r 5 <=( *T:ß OPÈcy þ St ÿ<xm8jk 0 F OO7. Õ «ªÉÊÞß ~³9:?0Í ÎÏ N â Ô 8½j7 ì q X5G1 Ä Øj5 Zú lmà9:¹ 0³«( /y ѹk â y $ª r ìá2ì =«' # 4 Á / åj r"$> ñï 6 JD(ç8?s P M. ( Ã+ ³ÑÀ. X5U «³4 <= H _ N/pq45ñïà Ê á( ÊDï0 ^,SPËí»os±XQ+t : º } XÉÊ ôí»_ujd O( J«³ / pq çè5 Zò 2 " Ê ç8 SÉÊZï 5ò (OVBOVW³ MÒ 1Z- 6 5à.O)? º } X Y M;N *r [á q X5{ú b t "Ð > BZ[ %& +ì(~ m rbà/ {Äá oê( "?0 å5þß:[" j?jm s±t>y '.ôí I0 F" M8:[0 æ ; Çw( ïr Ìm\./D./# [ ] 9âq0 "Ñ Ù ì( ím ~s0 ùï ^ < Xe5 " <="Y(> [À M 9XXRA JC(ï [email protected] Zd -5 ÇjàÊ ác T # [ Hü>? _D À & N? ± UGX5p9 (M A_./} ë$ GÌÝ H< R Ê ÿ< c< vuoã ÊD ÀH F 0Ä_a( mdòf 9(X> Û l ¹G615 CM ¹1 : H?499: IJJþLM æ D ºÀ+ñn8;h5D16 ã578lr ï N 5?M ; F57ýû?6B F57ýû?6 E71D4?91FG M æ - ºÀ+9:;;<15û>178 Y578LR ; F57ýû?6B F57ýû?6 E71D4?91FG H?499: IJJKLM ¹G615 CM ¹1 : : ZM D1M jæ hrserw / ÀÁ F4Z547 A7824: ;<5=>?1684: [78MB <5= >?1684 E71D4?91FG H?499: {RR{LM q 6jIsR e[ðv ñvo Ü ²åHRí ÎÝtR c¹g615 ¹1 : 46M: ;h?55=: d<b h ü4 E71D4?91FG H?499: IJJJL$ è e[ðvö R À+ û95 5 AM 3û842: ¹1ü F5?û 85 5 C576ü4?$514ý B Y?56 FFû?4 Y?561Fû?4 : %BI ; Z?178 {RRIL: ZZM I IþM [ÐñV ôjú æ Sºÿ ÔWRåæ bc AM M AG4? RÔ Zi ñvr hû û21: 3û>4?F 0?576û= A2ý?46 Y5?9ü1 { dsh@vö R ³pÎ æ Åj3Íu RÊ CAv;Aü1?5 î?1g4lî RwÕ ºZy Xí û95 5 3û842 e vxo R kæ efî æ kràá q : ; F57 Êù ºÀ+ 5=49 ýû?6b F57ýû?6 E71D4?91FG H?499: IJJ%LM H?5947v1F h 5?5: ã5g î9 C19Fû?G A7F1F54û?4F1$52ï { B{ ;AZ?12 IJJ%L: 49ZM ZZM IRK IR&M ÊùO' \ + H?5947v1F h 5?5: M

163 A IyF H P( 12 3mn\àõ áâíçé é ì Zõ <.?0 % ef 5YT N/ ¹àùÏáâ«çäà æãìñ (# C9: ùï$>y; ù 7à?áâçæ«çæ æèê êéäè ì Ú H >'j ϳl (Îëèè `èê Z} àg Q.iZ _ ÛÜ«' = PQÇo(# à!á_૪á åå ¾ {Ä3 ïßþß ~5W5Q <&"?# F( / 0G45 oê?m \ á( ~ m g" Q.iZ _ ýþ{ä " XRAC( " [ zn UKú{ 3 sg" ÖÉ hàï g # 8 (X Ä i«' -Ó¾ Ü" $>ªÞ > Û.? F :7 cj _àþßíá5¹ p 1( " ³}{ â4 ì %t9s@ i> (N [ ³0 " HM Hü5uÑ kl 5 H PX n?þ}.ì 5 M m _g.hi«0ä 85Qç< ((Û 0j? N.Mkà á³à{äá 4z 3 3³tu^ 3 ~ j $@ Ü~s N M 9: pq ( " _ <@ 0 þ D 5ÃM 12 9: " 12 O/y # d2wð9.ôíüb8 nb ](+&o õ ÑÀB9: %t6f Ol ÊD ½j qô Í1 Ým 0 Å{(+& pq>?6ó 9: åj æ Îj 8r jáá(n X5 ((Û 0»Õ þ "Qtl u (M?ÝÄ NX4±5àcJá ÑÀs ; ( ¹G77 C 7F: ã54?4 C5D4 A22 F54 Y54û?149 úû74ï ZM KM y^ni Q[ÐV äòs hu2ôwr@ µ À+ ¹ 78 ü44 7: ;A?=û7ü: [M 55?Z4: {RR{LM

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175 Dong Yue Tribune Nov.,2004 Vol125 No16 : [] [];; ;; [ ]20,,,,, 20,,,,,,, [] K092 []A [ ] (2004) , , 1997 [1 ][2 ] 2004,,,10,, [3 ],, ( Francis Fukuyama),,,,,,,,,,1996, [4 ] 1975 [5 ] 1978 [6 ],, , [ ] [ ] ( Georg G. Iggers),, 24

176 19,,,,,,,,, 20 70,,( Parsoman),,,,,,,,,, (History, Die geschichte) [7 ][8 ],,,,,,,, [9 ] :, [9 ], [9 ],,, :,,,,,, ,, [10 ],,,,,,,,, ;20, 1945,,,20 70, , (Consensus School),,,,,,,,, ,,,,,,, [11 ], ( Keith Jenkins) 1997,18,, [12 ],, 19, Ernst Breisach, The Postmodern Chal2 lenge and Its Aftermath(Chicago :University of Chicago Press,2003) 25

177 ,( Foucault), [13 ],(Max Horkheimer) ( Theodor Adorno) [14 ],,, 20,,,,,,,, (Jenkins) [12 ] :,,,,:, [15 ], [16 ],,, [17 ], [17 ], [17 ],,,(Jacgues Lyotard),, [12 ],, (Macaulay),(Michelet),( Treitsche),,,,,,,,:,,,, (Carl Ginzburg) ( Giovanni Levi), [18 ],,,,,,, () (Roland Barthes) :, :,(Jacques Derrida),,,,,,,,, 20 80,, 1993,,20 70,,,,, ( Georges Lefever),, [19 ] 26 Gabrielle Spiegel History,historicism and the social logic of the text in the middle Ages ( The Post modern History Reader,P181),

178 ,,,,, E. P. ( Thompson) T. S. (Ashton),( Thompson),, , 1979,( Geoffrey Barraclough),,,, [20 ], 20 20,,,1989,,,,,,,,,,,,,( Foucault), 20,,, 1945 ( Fernand Braudel) ( Emmanuel le Roy Ladurie) [21 ], 20 70, ( Montaillou),,,,, ( Frank Ankersmit), [22 ] A Liu,,,, : [23 ] (Ankersmit) :, [22 ] ( Roy Ladurie), (Carl Ginzgburg) ( George Duby) [21 ], :, [15 ] [22 ] (White),,, [16 ][25 ],, (Natalie Davis),( Ginz gburg) Menochio (Levi) Exercists,,, (Duby), (Le Roy Ldurie) The Peasants of L anguadot,,,,,,, (Cliff Geertz),,, 27

179 [26 ] (Max Weber) :,,, [26 ],,,,(123,n117) ( Hay2 den White),,,,,,,, [27 ] (Ankersmit),,,,,,, (Alltagsgeschiche),20 80,,,,, [28 ], ( Giovani Levi),( ), (Braudel), [18 ] ( Hans Medick) (Alf L dtke) 20 90,,,, [29 ] ( Hans Mdeick) [30 ] (David Sabean) [31 ],, (Swabian),,,,20 80,,,,:,,,,,,,19 [32 ][33 ][34 ], (Joan Scott) ,,( Scott) ( Stedman Jane), ( P53-67) ( William Sewall),,(deconstructionism),,, [35 ],,,,,, History and T ropology,p , Thomas Childers,The Social Language of Politics in Germany : The Sociology of Political Discourse in the Weimar Republic, A merican Historical Review 95 (1990),P

180 ,20 90,,,, [36 ][37 ],,,20 60,,,, [38 ],,,,,,,,,,,( Gramsci),,,,?? [39 ],20 80,,,, [40 ], (Christopher Browning) [41 ],,, ( Hayden White) (places) [27 ], [42 ],,,, [43 ] (Nara),,,,1789, [44 ],, :, [45 ], [46 ],1948,,,,,, 29

181 ,,,,,, ( Hayden White) (Jacque Derrida) ( Keith Jenkins),,,,,,,,,, 19 20, ;, ;, ;,,,,,, [ ] [1 ] Georg G. Iggers. Geschichtsw issenschaf t im 20. Jahrhundert. Ein internationaler V erglerch [ M ]. Ggttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,1993 ;Barcelona,1995. [ 2 ] Iggers. Historiography in the Twentieth Century. From Scientif ic Objectivity to the Post modern Challenge[ M ]. Hanover, N H and London : Wesleyan University Press, [3 ] Francis Fukuyama. The End of History and the L ast M an[ M ]. New York,1992. [ 4 ] Samuel Huntington. The Clash of Civiliz ations and the Rem aking of World Order [ M ]. New York : Simon & Schuster, [ 5 ] Iggers. New Directions in European Historiography[ M ]. Middletown : Wesleyan University Press,1975. [6 ] Iggers. V om Historism us z ur Historischen Sozialw issenschaf t [ M ]. M nchen :Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag,1978. [7 ]Reinhart Koselleck. Geschichte,Historie[ A ]. Otto Brunner et al. Geschichtliche Grundbegrif f e :vo1. 2 [ C ]. Stuttgart,1975. P [ 8 ] Reinhart Koselleck. Futures Past. On the Sem antic of Historical Time[ M ]. Cambridge,MA,1985. [9 ]Leopold von Ranke. The Theory and Practice of History [ M ]. Georg G. Iggers and Konrad Von Moltke,eds. Indianapolis : Bobbs Merrill,1973. P44,P53,P34 ;46. [10 ]Cf. Peter Novick. That Noble Dream : TheObjectivity Questionand the A merican Historical Prof ession [ M ]. Cam2 bridge,ma : Harvard University Press,1988. [11 ] E. g Ashis Nandy. Historyπs Forgotten Doubles[J ]. History and Theory, Theme Issue 34(1995). P [ 12 ] Keith Jenkins. The Post modern History Reader[ C]. London : Routledge,1997. P4,P6,P36. [13 ]Michel Foucault. Histoire de la f olie[ M ] [14 ]Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno. The Dialectic of Enlightenment [ M ]. [15 ] F. R. Ankersmit. Historiography and Postmodernism[A ]. The Post modern History Reader[ C]. P287,P291. [ 16 ] Hayden White. The Content of the Form : Norm ative Discourse and Historical Representation[ M ]. Baltimore :John Hopkins University Press,1987. P209,P192. [ 17 ] White. Metahistory : The Historical Im agination in N ineteenth - Century Europe[ M ]. Baltimore :John Hopkins University Press,1973. P4,P283,Px [18 ] Giovanni Levi. Inheriting Power : The S tory of an Exorcist [ M ]. Chicago :University of Chicago Press. [19 ]Roland Barthes. The Discourse of History[A ]. The Post modern History Reader[ C]. P121. [20 ] Geoffrey Barraclough. M ain T rends in History[ M ]. Mew York,1979. P89. [ 21 ] Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie. The Territory of the Historian[ M ]. Chicago :University of Chicago Press P285.

182 [ 22 ] F. R. Ankersmit. History and T ropology : The Rise and Fall of Metaphor [ M ]. Berkely : Univeristy of California Press, P193. [23 ]A. Liu. Local Transcendence : Cultural Criticism, Postmodernism,and the Romanticism of Detail [J ]. Representations, Fall, P78. [24 ] Georges Duby. L e Diamche de Bouvines[ M ]. Paris : Galimard,1985. [25 ] Hayden White. A Response to Professor Chartierπs Four Questions[J ]. S toria S toriograf ia 27 (1995). P [26 ]Clifford Geertz. Thick Description an Interpretive Theory of Culture[A ]. The Interpretation of Cheese and the Worms[ M ]. [27 ] White. Historical Emplotment and the Problem of Truth [ A ]. Saul Friendlander. Probing the L imits of Representation : N azism and the Final Solution[ C]. Cambridge. MA : Harvard University Press,1992. P [28 ] Hans Medick. Missionaries in the Row Boat [J ]. Com parative S tudies in Society and History 29 (1987). P [ 29 ] Thomas Merge, Gunilla Friedrike Budde, Thmoas Welsopp. Gesellschaf t[ C]. M nchen :C. H. Beck,1997. [30 ]Medick. Weben und berlenben in L aichingen : L okalgeschichte als A llgemeine Geschichte[ M ]. Ggttingen :An2 denhoeck & Ruprecht, [ 31 ] Sabean. Property, Production, and Family in Neckarhausen :2 vols[ M ]. Cambridge,1990. [32 ] Gareth Stedman Jones. L anguages of Class L S tudies in English Working Class History [ M ]. Cambridge, [33 ]William Sewell. Work and Revolution in France : The L anguage of L abor f rom the 0 ld Regime to 1848[ M ]. Cambridge, [ 34 ]Bo Strath,Language and the Construction of Class Identities[ M ]. Gothenborg,1990. [35 ] william sewell. Review Essay of Joan Wallach Scottπs Gender and the Political of History [ J ]. History and Theory 29 (1990). P70. [ 36 ]N. Hewitt. Gender and Feminist Studies[ A ]. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences[ C]. Amster2 dam : Elsevier,2001. P [ 37 ] E. Engelstad. Gender History[ A ]. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences[ C]. P [38 ] Karl Marx. The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte[A ]. [39 ] Hans - Ulrich Wehler. Deutsche Gesellschaf tsgechaf tsgeschichte : 4vols [ M ]. M nchen : C. H. Beck, [40 ]Lynn Hunt. Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution[ M ]. Berkeley :University of California Press,1948. [ 41 ]Christopher Browning. Ordinary Men : Reserve Police B attalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland [ M ]. New York, [42 ]Browning. German Memory[A ]. Probing the L imits of Representation : N azism and the Final Solution[ C]. m31. [43 ] Pierre Nora. L ieux m moire :3 vols.,7 parts[ C]. Paris : Gallimard, [44 ] Etienne Francois,Hgen Schulze. Deutsche Erinnerungsorte :3 vols[ C]. M nchen :C. H. Beck,2001. [45 ]Monika Flacke. Mythen der N ationen[ C]. Berlin,1998. An additional volume to appear in [46 ] Israeli History Revisited[J ]. History and Memory,vol. 7,1,Spring/ Summer : 31

183 KO A (2003) () [ ] [ ], ;,,,,,,,, [] [ ],,,, :, :,,, ,, 2,, 1700,,,,,,,,, /,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?, 30,,,,,,,,,, 80

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190 ,,,,,,,,,,,, x y R, R x y R, R,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 20,,,,,,, ;,, ( ),, S, A,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 76

191 ,, (, ), ( ),,,,,,,,,,,, : (),,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 17,,,, (),,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 17,,,,,,,, ( ),,,, (), 19,, 77

192 , (trait dunion),,,,,,,,,,,,, ( ) ;,?,,,,,,, ;, ;,,, ( ),,,,,,,,,,,,, gλϖ,,,,,, 19 20,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;, 78

193 ( ),,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,, gλω,,,,,,,,,,,,,, gλξ,,, (),, (,, ),,,,,,,,, (),,,,,,,,,,,,, (),,,, :, ( ),,,,,??,,,,,,,,,,,, 79

194 , (),, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, : gλψ,,,,,,,, ( ),,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,, gλζ,,,,,,,,,,, 80

195 (, ),,,,,,,,,,,,,,, :,,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,, (, ),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (Condition sine qua non),,,,, 3 In Praise of Subjectivity,,, 81

196 F. Wagner, Geschichtswissenschaf t, M nchen 1951 ; 34. see W. H. Walsh, A n int roduction to philosophy of history, London 1967 ; A. Danto, A nalytical philosophy of history, Cambridge 1968 ; 98., Danto on representation, iden2 tity and indiscemibles, History and Theory (forthcoming) see mydanto on representation, identity and indiscemibles. A. C. Danto, The t ransf iguration of the com mon place, Cambridge (MA) 1983 ; ( Weltanschauung), (), F. R. Ankersmit, Aesthetic politics : political philosophy beyond f act and val ue, Stanford 1997 ; The issue is intensively discussed in S. Friedlander ed., Probi ng the li mits of representation, Cambridge (Ma) See also S. G. Crowell,Mixed messages : the heterogeneity of historical discourse, History and Theory 37 (1998) :, () ( ) (),,,, (222) gλϖ, 18, gλωk. R. Popper, The logic of scientif ic discovery, London 1972 ; 41. gλξf. R. Ankersmit, Narrative logic, The Hague 1983 ; 239 ff. gλψm. Howard, Lords of destruction,ti mes L iterary S upplement, 12 november 1981 ; gλζ :,,,, See N. Machiavelli, Discourses on L ivy. Translated by Harvey C. Mansfield and Nathan Tarcov, Chicago 1996 ; 6 Abstract : This article holds that the real problem with historical subjectivity is not that the introduction of ethical and po2 litical standards can only occasion a gross distortion of what the past has actually been like. The real problem is precisely the re2 verse : historical reality and the historians ethical and political values may often come so extremely close to each other as to be virtually indistinguishable. The author points out that ethical and political standards, because of their natural affinity with the historians subject - matter, may often prove to be a help rather than an obstacle to a better understanding of the past. Fur2 thermore, we may safely assign to history the most important and responsible task of telling apart recommendable from objec2 tionable moral and political values. And it is the task that history can only adequately perform. Key word : Historical subjectivity ; historical reality ; value ; ethical and political standards. : 82

197 No SHANDONG SOCIAL SCIENCES General No. 138 (:) : [] [ ],,,,,,,,, [] ; ; [] K091 []A [ ] [2007 ] ,,,,, (Bernard Gu n e) [1] (Hans Baron),( ) [2],,,,,,,, (,,,) [3],,,,,,,,,, : : (Peter Burke),,1979 ( Emmanuel College) (British Academy) ;(Academia Europea) A Social History of Knowledge (2000) Varieties of Cultural History (1997), The European Renaissance : Centers and Peripheries (1998) (Ammianus Marcellinus, ), Carlo Sigonio ( De occidentali imperio,1577) 5

198 ,, (),,,,,, ( ),,,,,,,, (the West) (the rest), ( ),,,,,,,,,,,, 19 20,, (Masayuki Sato), [4],,, ( Guaman Po2 ma del Ayala) [5],,,,( ),,,,, (), 1.,,, 1. 1,( ), ( ), ( Ibn Khaldun, ), ( Garcilaso de la Vega),1540,,,

199 , [6] (, ),,, ( Karl Lgwith), [7] [8] 1789 [9],19 ( ),, [10],(), [11] 18, [12] 1. 2,, [13],,, (revolution) (revolve) (Re - naissance) (Re - formation) [14],, (Villain) [15],16 17, 39 18, (corsi) (ricorsi),,,, [16],,(rentiers) 1. 3, ( ),, [17],,,,, [18] (sense of anachronism),,,, [19], ( [ Erwin Panofsky] ) [20] ( [Valla ] ) ( ),([Mantegna ] (Joachim of Fiore, ),,,, - - (cargo cults),,, 7

200 ) [21], ( 17 ) [22] 19,, ,18, 18, 19,,,, 2. 3,, [23], [24] [25],,,, 3., (Historismus) [26], 3. 1,,, (idiographic), (nomothetic) [27] (Suetonius) ( ),,, ( Hyde, ), 19 20, 3. 2 (),,, ( ),,,, () 16 [28] 3. 3 ;,,,,, [29], (),19,, 8 4., 4. 1 ( ),

201 ( ),,, 17, [30] 19, (histoire sans noms) (Heinrich Wglfflin), [31],(decentering of the subject), , 4. 3,, (state) (people) (nation),,,,,? ,,,,,,17 18,, [32 ] 5. 2,, (John Craig) 17, (J. B. Bury), 5. 3 (sources) (evidence) (testimony), : (laws), (tribunal), (Thomas Sherlock) (1729),,,,, [33],?? 6., 6. 1,(ai2 tion) (symptom), (crisis),,,, 9

202 6. 2,, (historicist, historist), ( ),,,, [34] 100,, 7., (impartiality) (sine ira et studio),,, 150, (Johann Sleidan), (prout res quaeque acta fuit),(la Popelini re),, (r citer la chos comme elle est advenue), [35] 17 ( Gottfried Arnold) 17, (the game of bowls) (bias),,, (facts),,,, [36] 8., (serial historians), , 19,, 18 14,,, (arithmetical mentality) [37],,,? 9., 9. 1, (pathos), (peripeteia) [38] 16 17,, [39] [40], [41], ( ) (,Monsieur Jourdain) (emplotments) [42], (literal) (allegori2 :,1 1 (bias) 10

203 cal) [43] 17, [44] (mytheme),,,(cimabue), [45],,,,, (Charcot),, (T. Beckett), : (),, [46] 9. 2?,, ( )? [47]?, (novel) 18,,,,,,,,? ( Erich Auerbach) () [48]? ,( Pierre Chaunu),, (g ohistoire),,16 (geographistorici) 10. 2, (chorography), [49] 1. 3., [28],,,(Capistra2 no de Abreu) (Sergio Buarque de Holanda) ; ( Geoffrey Blainey),, ( Psychomachia) 4 Prudentius,,,, ( ),1162?, 1170,1172 Earl Miner, Comparative Poetics, Princeton, Jaroslav Prusek,History and Epic in China and the West, Diogenes 42 (1963),

204 ,,,,, ( ),(),, : [1 ]Bernard Gu n e, Histoire et culture historique dans l occident m di val,paris, [2 ] Hans Baron,Das Erwachen des historischen Denkens, Historische Zeitschrift 147 (1932-3), [3 ] Donald E. Brown, Hierarchy, History and Human Nature. The Social Origins of Historical Consciousness. Tucson, [ 4 ] Masayuki Sato,Historiographical Encounters. The Chinese and Western Traditions in Turn - of - the - Century Japan, Storia della Storiografia 19 (1991), [5 ] Margaret Zamora,Language, Authority and Indigenous History in the Comentarios reales,cambridge, 1988 ; Rolena Adorno, Guaman Poma. Writing and Re2 sistance in Colonial Peru,Austin, [6 ] John B. Bury, The Idea of Progress,London, [7 ] Karl Lgwith, Weltgeschichte und Herlgeschehen,2nd edn, Stuttgart, [8 ] Hans Blumenberg, Die Legitimitat der Neuzeit, Frankfurt, 1966, Engl. transl. : The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, Cambridge, Mass., [9 ] Karl Griewank, Der Neuzeitliche Revolutionsbegriff,Weimar, 1955 ; Felix Gilbert,Revolution, in Dictionary of the History of Ideas, ed. Philip P. Wie2 ner, vol. 4. New York, 1973, ; Karl - Heinz Benda, Revolutionen, Munich, [10 ] John Burrow, Evolution and Society,Cambridge, [11 ] Owen Chadwick, From Bossuet to Newman,Cambridge, [12 ] Bruce Mazlish,Autobiography and Psychoanalysis, Encounter, October 1970, [13 ] G. W. Trompf, The Idea of Historical Recurrence in Western Thought from Antiquity to the Reformation,Berkeley, [14 ] Peter Burke,Renaissance, Reformation and Revolution, in Niedergang, ed. Reinhart, K., Stuttgart, 1980, [15 ] Louis Green, Chronicle into History,Cambridge, 1972, 17ff, 27 ; Gerald J. Gruman,Balance and Excess as Gibbon s Explanation of the Decline and Fall, History and Theory 1 (1960), [16 ] Hans Vyverberg, Historical Pessimism in the French Enlightenment, Cambridge, Mass., [17 ] Vittorio Lanternari, The Religions of the Oppressed,London, [18 ] Arthur F. Wright,Chinese Historiography, in International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, ed. D. Sills, New York, 1968, ; Mushin Mah2 di, Ibn Khaldun s Philosophy of History, London, 1957 ; Aziz Al - Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun, London, 1982 ; Tarif Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period, Cambridge, [19 ] Leslie P. Hartley, The Go - Between, London, 1953 ; David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country,Cambridge, [20 ] Erwin Panofsky,The First Page of Vasari s Libro(1939), in Meaning in the Visual Arts, New York, 1957, [21 ] Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past, London, 1969 ; Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity,Oxford, 1969 ; Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, Cambridge, Mass., [22 ] Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics, London, [23 ] Craig Clunas, Superfluous Things. Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China,Cambridge, 1991, [24 ] Benjamin A. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology. Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China, Cambridge, Mass., [25 ] On - Cho Ng,Historicism in Chinese Thought, Journal of the History of Ideas 54 (1993), [26 ] Friedrich Meinecke, Die Entstechung des Historismus, Munchen, Engl. transl. : Historicism. New York, [27 ] Wilhelm Windelband, Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft, Berlin, [28 ] Gottfried Bghm, Bildnis und Individuum,Munich, 1985 ; Peter Burke,The Renaissance, Individualism and the Portrait, History of European Ideas 21 (1995), [29 ] Michael Carrithers et al., eds, The Category of the Person, Cambridge, [30 ] Peter Burke,Structural History in the 16th and 17th Centuries, Storia della Storiografia 10 (1986), [31 ] Arnold Hauser, Philosophy of Art History, Cleveland, 1963, 120, 124. [32 ] Carlo Borghero, La certezza e la storia. Cartesianesimo, pirronismo e conoscenza storica, Milan,

205 [33 ] Lawrence Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice. Law as Culture in Islamic Society, Cambridge, [34 ] R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History,Oxford, [ 35 ] D. R. Kelley, History as a Calling, the Case of La Popelini re, in Renaissance. Studies in honor of Hans Baron, eds A. Molho and J. Tedeschi, Flo2 rence 1971, ; id., Johann Sleidan and the Origins of History as a Profession,Journal of Modern History 52 (1980), [36 ] Peter Novick, That Noble Dream. TheObjectivity Questionand the American Historical Profession, Cambridge, [37 ] Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages, Oxford, [38 ] Francis Cornford, Thucydides Mythistoricus, Cambridge, 1907 ; comparing Frank Walbank,History and Tragedy, Historia 9 (1960), repr. in his Select2 ed Papers, Cambridge 1985, [39 ] Peter Burke,The Rhetoric and Anti - Rhetoric of History, in Anamorphoren der Rhetorik, ed. Gerhard Schroeder et al., Stuttgart, 1997, [40 ] J. H. Brumfitt, Voltaire Historian, Oxford, 1958 ; Roland Barthes,Historical Discourse(1967), repr. in Structuralism, ed. M. Lane, London, 1970, ; Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past, London, [41 ] Leo Braudy, Narrative Form in History and Fiction, Princeton, [42 ] Northrop Frye,New Directions for Old(1960), repr. in his Fables of Identity, New York, 1963, ; Hayden White, Metahistory. The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth - Century Europe, Baltimore and London, [43 ] Angus Fletcher, Allegory, Ithaca, [44 ] Ernst Cassirer, Die platonische Renaissance in England, Hamburg, 1932, English translation : The Platonic Renaissance in England, Edinburgh, [45 ] Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators, Oxford, [46 ] Peter Burke,History as Allegory, unpublished. [47 ] Ivan Morris, The Nobility of Failure. Tragic Heroes in the History of Japan, London, [48 ] Erich Auerbach, Mimesis, Bern, [49 ] W. Franke,Historical Writing during the Ming, Cambridge History of China 7, ed. L. Mote and D. Twitchett, Cambridge, 1988, ch. 12. ( : ) (78 ),,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ( :) :,,1983 7,73 13

206 Genre between Literature and History Roger Chartier Let us start these concluding remarks with a paradoxical observation. At first glance, it may seem that the different forms of literary criticism that dominated the intellectual scene during the twentieth century did not need the old notion of genre for their understanding of literary texts. Linguistic approaches emphasized the plural and unstable linguistic construction of meaning, since, as Roland Barthes has written, a text is un espace à dimensions multiples, où se marient et se contestent des écritures variées, dont aucune n est originelle.... un texte est fait d écritures multiples, issues de plusieurs cultures et qui entrent les unes avec les autres en dialogue, en parodie, en contestation (a multidimensional space in which are married and contested several writings, none of which is original.... a text consists of multiple writings, proceeding from several cultures and entering into dialogue, into parody, into contestation). 1 The rigidity of the category of genre is therefore unable to grasp such hybridity and lability. When attention is centered on the response of readers and their decisive role in the production of diverse receptions of the same text, genre is no longer a fundamental category, since it unsuccessfully tries to locate in a particular register what readers may understand very differently. By displacing attention onto the circulation of words, objects, rituals, or discourses between the social world and the literary works that appropriate them and return them in a new form to readers or spectators, the New His- 1 Roland Barthes, La mort de l auteur, in Le bruissement de la langue: Essais critiques IV (Paris: Seuil, 1984), 67, 69; The Death of the Author, in The Rustle of Language, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986), Modern Language Quarterly 67:1 (March 2006): University of Washington.

207 130 MLQ March 2006 toricist perspective considers generic distinctions as always subverted by the process of negotiations, transactions, and exchanges that give to aesthetic forms of social energy (according to Stephen Greenblatt s expression) their capacity to shape collective experiences. 2 Nevertheless, genre resisted. It resisted first in the New Criticism, which postulated that any text is a structure of meaning in which aesthetic form and discursive content are inseparable. In such a perspective, genre is fundamental, as proven by the heresy of paraphrase, to quote Cleanth Brooks that is, the impossibility of the rendition in prose of a poetic work. 3 The more classical distinctions of the old poetics are therefore endowed with the task of correcting the two fallacies characterizing traditional literary history: the intentional fallacy, since the constraints that rule the autonomy of the work are independent of any authorial intention, and the affective fallacy, since the inherent generic regime of any work cannot be deduced from its effects on its audience. The self-sufficiency of the literary verbal artifact gives an essential importance to the oppositions between genres as, for example, between poetry and history in the Aristotelian manner, or between poetic and dramatic genres. All efforts to liberate meaning from the textual machinery (reception aesthetics, reader response theory, etc.) mobilized the category of genre as a powerful resource for avoiding the infinite dispersion of meaning between innumerable acts of reading. Indeed, the distance taken vis-à-vis textual tyranny and the imperialism of close reading could lead to an unbound proliferation of interpretations. Concepts like horizon of expectations, proposed by Hans Robert Jauss, or interpretive communities, coined by Stanley Fish, addressed such an issue by conceiving of reading not as an autonomous, free, and individual experience but as collectively framed by shared conventions, proper to a time or to a community. 4 Among these conventions, the ascription 2 Stephen Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations: The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 7. 3 Cleanth Brooks, The Well Wrought Urn: Studies in the Structure of Poetry (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1947). 4 Hans Robert Jauss, Literaturgeschichte als Provokation (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1970); Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980). For an English translation of Jauss s essay see Literary History as a Challenge to Literary Theory,

208 Chartier Genre between Literature and History 131 of texts to specific genres was a key element that defined the system of intelligibility or the common expectations allowing the appropriation and understanding of the texts, literary or not. According to these perspectives, the notion of genre acquired a dynamic or dialogical dimension. By framing a set of assumptions proper to the reception, each textual genre imposed on the reader the intended identity of the text. But such assumptions can also be challenged by revolutionary works that subvert the conventional boundaries between generic distinctions and disrespect the criteria characterizing each class of texts. If literature can be a provocation (according to Jauss s formula), it is because some innovative works defy the inherited and canonical definition of such or such a genre and, by doing so, create new aesthetic expectations. The category of genre is not explicitly acknowledged by the New Historicism, even if it was in the journal Genre that Greenblatt proposed in 1982 (and for the first time) such a designation for a new form of criticism. Nevertheless, generic distinctions find their place among the systems of demarcation between the different discursive practices of which transactions and exchanges are the very object of the analysis. The very concept of negotiation, central to such an approach, supposes a previous distinction between the social discourses that are appropriated and the literary repertoires that endow them with a new literary force. Hence follow a series of consequences. The first one is to widen the notion of genre beyond the textual real and to consider that public ceremonials, religious rituals, and everyday practices constitute different genres, the social energy of which is encoded and refashioned by their representation or appropriation. The second is that the genres remain a pertinent way for delineating specific aesthetic experiences (theatrical practice, for example, implies a manner for separating artistic practices from social practices that is not the same in other literary genres) and for characterizing even within the same realm of experiences different types of exchanges between social anxieties and literary writing. Generic distinctions are useful markers of different areas of circulation, different types of negotiation, Greenblatt writes in the first chapter of Shakespearean Negotiations, a book in which the four followin Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982).

209 132 MLQ March 2006 ing chapters each focus on a different one of the four classical genres (classical at least from the eighteenth century on) among Shakespeare s plays: histories, comedies, tragedies, and romances. But and it is a third feature of the New Historicists use of genre there is no exclusive, categorical force behind the generic distinctions (20). If the discourses of the social world are the very matter of literary creation, then, conversely, aesthetic energy can invest texts that are deprived of any artistic design. The travelogues that account for the marvels encountered in the new worlds are examples of such investment. 5 In this issue of MLQ, two other cases of such transfer or hybridization are analyzed. The political reading in Renaissance England of Ovid s elegies, analyzed by Heather James, is the first one, since the erotic poems are understood as an illustration of the freedom of classical republicanism and a critique of the despotic restriction imposed on speech. The providential dimension of Richard Hakluyt s Principal Navigations, as stressed by David Harris Sacks, is the second one. The collection of travels brought together by Hakluyt overcomes the classical definition of the genre by giving it the meaning of the knowledge, lost after the Fall, of the world as it was created by God. In this sense, the book is an example of the genre of ecclesiastical history, which based on the erudition of the antiquarians the unveiling of God s will. Hakluyt s compilation raises another issue about the notion of genre. The category implicitly supposes that a book represents a coherent work, assignable to a certain genre or to a generic hybrid. Hakluyt, who acted more as an editor than an author and who drew on collections already in print for constructing his own, reminds us that a great number of books in the early modern age were anthologies, compilations, and bibliothecae. Some were organic miscellanies (to use Armando Petrucci s paradoxical expression), because, like the Principal Navigations, they gathered entire works or excerpts belonging to the same genre or the same subject matter. 6 But others were not; they put 5 See Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 6 Armando Petrucci, From the Unitary Books to Miscellany, in Writers and Readers in Medieval Italy: Studies in the History of Written Culture, ed. and trans. Charles M. Radding (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995),

210 Chartier Genre between Literature and History 133 together, like manuscript books, texts without any generic unity. In this case, it is clear that editorial practices and publishing strategies profoundly challenged the classification of discourses. Historians of the book have often inherited such a contradiction: even if dealing with many books having multiple identities, their statistical approaches to the production and ownership of books were strictly organized by genres. They have often followed the example of the classificatory system of Parisian booksellers of the eighteenth century, who divided the books among five main categories: theology, law, history, sciences and arts, belles lettres. It is not easy to locate in one or another of these five classes the providential, historical, cosmographic, and epic dimensions of Hakluyt s book. The generic plurality of some works, or books, and the mobility of their assignation are reasons for the instability of the category of genre. Editorial and publishing strategies sometimes changed the generic identity of the same work, as when some Shakespearean plays, published as histories in the Quartos (the 1603 Q1 and the 1604 Q2 of The Tragicall Historie of Hamlet Prince of Denmarke, or the 1608 Q1 of the True Chronicle Historie of the Life and Death of King Lear and His Three Daughters), were put among the tragedies in the 1623 Folio. In other cases, it was the author s will that modified the genre of the work at the same time that the text was slightly or profoundly rewritten. Corneille s Le Cid was published in 1637 as a tragi-comédie, but when it was reedited in 1648, it became a tragédie, and its text was revised in accordance with the critiques made by the Académie Française, even if Corneille rebuffed the accusations addressed to him. In 1660, for another reedition within the playwright s Oeuvres, the identity of the play as a tragedy was maintained and led Corneille to a profound rewriting of it, with a more uncertain ending and without the two first scenes, which dealt with Chimène s marriage and belonged more to the genre of domestic comedy than to the register of tragedy. 7 The transformation of the generic identity of a work can also be linked to the imposition of the rules of print publication on a work destined to be circulated in the form of a manuscript. This is the hypoth- 1993). 7 See Pierre Corneille, Le Cid: Tragi-comédie, ed. Jean Serroy (Paris: Gallimard,

211 134 MLQ March 2006 esis proposed by Francisco Rico for the transformation of the epistolary Lazarillo de Tormes, which belonged to the successful genre of carte messaggiere, into different printed versions in the guise of a life story. Such a displacement, or betrayal, imposed on the letter a marginal rubric and a title (La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y de sus fortunas y adversidades), a biographical narrative of the young Lazarillo (a diminutive never used in the text itself except as a pun on lazarillo/lacerado), and stereotyped wooden engravings that reused figures already printed in a saint s life. 8 The generic designation of a work can also be an object of contention explicitly addressed by paratextual elements. In the editions of 1499 and 1500 the Celestina was labeled a comedia. In 1502 the second author, Fernando de Rojas, added a prologue in which he evoked the dispute between those who considered the play a tragedy and those who understood it as a comedy. To solve the quarrel, Rojas designated the five acts of the work a tragicomedia (a category respected by the English translator James Mabbe, who in 1631 titled the play a tragickecomedy ). Thus the generic ambiguity of the Celestina was for Rojas one of the reasons that the text had received very different interpretations, along with the summaries and rubric added by the printers (as in the editions of the Lazarillo), and had been read in different ways: for excerpting sententiae, for collecting pleasant anecdotes, or for deciphering the meaning of the work. 9 Finally, the works themselves can appropriate generic identities and their subversion, or parody, as one of the motives of the fiction. Such a game is played by Cervantes in Don Quijote on multiple scales. The first one is the traditional opposition between historia and poesía. Cervantes, or rather, Sansón Carrasco, reaffirms the principle underlying the distinction: El poeta puede contar o cantar las cosas, no como fueron, sino como debían ser; y el historiador las ha de escribir, no como debían ser, sino como fueron, sin añadir ni quitar a la verdad cosa alguna (The poet may describe or sing things, not as they were, but as they ought to have been, while the historian has to write them 8 Lazarillo de Tormes, ed. Francisco Rico, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Cátedra, 1987); Francisco Rico, Problemas del Lazarillo (Madrid: Cátedra, 1988). 9 Fernando de Rojas (and Antiguo Autor ), La Celestina: Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea, ed. Francisco J. Lobera et al. (Barcelona: Crítica, 2000).

212 Chartier Genre between Literature and History 135 down, not as they ought to have been, but as they were, without adding to or subtracting from the truth). 10 But the Historia de don Quijote de la Mancha, written by the Arabic historian Cide Hamete Benengeli, subverts the opposition. It is a history of things as they had to be in the dream or madness of the hidalgo, and not as they were. Before the imaginary biographies or the apocryphal texts of the writers of the twentieth century (Marcel Schwob, Jorge Luis Borges, Max Aub), Cervantes mobilized all the signs of authentication (references to actual documents, archival records, learned controversies, the book itself and its apocryphal continuation) for accrediting as historical what the reader enjoys as a poetic fiction. The play with genres, their boundaries or incompatibility (Carrasco recalls that the introduction in the book of a novela, El curioso impertinente, does not fit history), is one part of the textual machinery that produces what Borges has called the partial enchantments of the text and therefore the reader s suspension of disbelief. 11 A second scale of the play with genres in Don Quijote is given by the different parodies of the different textual literary practices of its time. The parody of the chivalric romances is not the only one, even if it is the more essential. Cervantes also mocks the picaresque novel by attributing to Ginés de Pasamonte the authorship of a manuscript titled, like the Lazarillo, La vida de Ginés de Pasamonte (1:22), as well as the pastoral genre, imagining at the end of the second part of the novel an Arcadia in which Don Quijote, condemned to retire for one year after his defeat by the Caballero de la Blanca Luna, will name himself el pastor Quijótiz and celebrate imagined shepherdesses by engraving his poems on trees (2:67, 73). As Georgina Dopico Black has written, el Quijote incorpora, parodia y transforma todos los discursos literarios (y muchos no literarios) que lo anteceden (incorporates, parodies and 10 Miguel de Cervantes, Don Quijote de la Mancha, ed. Francisco Rico and Joaquín Forradellas, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Instituto Cervantes, 1998), 1:649 50; Don Quixote, ed. Joseph R. Jones and Kenneth Douglas, trans. John Ormsby (New York: Norton, 1981), Jorge Luis Borges, Magias parciales del Quijote, in Otras inquisiciones (Madrid: Alianza, 1997), For an English translation see Partial Enchantments of the Quixote, in Other Inquisitions, , trans. Ruth L. C. Simms (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964),

213 136 MLQ March 2006 transforms all the literary discourses [and many others that are not literary] that preceded it), not only the chivalric, picaresque, and pastoral novel but also the comedia, with Maese Pedro alias Ginés de Pasamonte s puppets; the proverb, or refranes, which gives its texture to Sancho s speech; the romances ; lyric poetry; and many other genres. 12 In this sense, Don Quijote is the book of books, the compendium of the entire literature of its age. The same text can be located in different genres, and the same story embodied in different textual forms. Marina Brownlee shows how the story of the Abencerraje, his beloved Jarifa, and his Christian friend Rodrigo de Narváez existed in three versions: as a chronicle printed circa 1560, as an interpolation in Jorge de Montemayor s Diana (1561), and as a novel or short story in Antonio de Villegas s miscellany Inventario (1551) another example of the surviving importance of the heterogeneous book in the age of print. 13 More generally, this example raises the question of the different textual embodiments of the same historical fact, that is, the fall of Granada in 1492 and the disappearance of Muslim Spain. The event was appropriated either by literary fictions or by historical chronicles which leads us to discuss history as genre and the category of genre within historical writing. The notion is less familiar to historians than to literary critics. But the attention paid in recent years to the constraints that rule the writing of any historical discourse has led to a reflection on genre, even without the word. The category can be mobilized for constructing a typology of the archival documents used by historians. All are texts that belong to a series defined by peculiar conventions, codified forms, and discursive regimes. Written records never give immediate, transparent, unmediated access to the past, because their production has been governed by a particular relation to the reality they designate: depiction, representation, prohibition, prescription, quantification, and so on. Such a perspective can give rise to a typology of written records that 12 Georgina Dopico Black, España abierta : Cervantes y el Quijote, in España en tiempos del Quijote, ed. Antonio Feros and Juan Gelabert (Madrid: Taurus, 2004), 348. My translation. 13 La Diana first appeared in 1559, but the 1561 edition, printed in Valladolid, is the first to include the history of the Abencerraje. See Jorge de Montemayor, La Diana, ed. Juan Montero (Barcelona: Crítica, 1996), 213n245.

214 Chartier Genre between Literature and History 137 stresses the relation between classes of documents and types of hands. It also underlines the continuity between documentary practices and literary composition. In late medieval Italy, the writing habits of notaries were the matrix for the authorial and autograph composition of poetic texts. The familial ties or professional experience that linked notaries and authors explain the similarities between the registers of legal documents and the unitary books copied by the writer himself. Petrarch, for example, who was a scribe of his own works (to avoid the corruption of his poetic compositions by ignorant or clumsy copyists), was the son and grandson of notaries (Petrucci, , 161). Understood as a discursive series that can be labeled documentary genres, the records used by historians are referred back to the different situations in which (and for which) they were produced. Numerous are the historical works dealing with the relation between the genres of documents and the constraints imposed on the representations of the past. The genre of lettres de rémission in the Middle Ages and the sixteenth century entailed the elaboration of pardon tales by condemned people and by their lawyers, who had to present excuses for a crime and, at the same time, respect the verisimilitude of the facts. 14 The inquisitorial records of early modern times construct uneven dialogues between the judges and the accused, where the main stake was the categorization of the suspected crimes by the former and the latter. 15 The archives of the Parisian police in the eighteenth century create situations in which private affairs and public issues are mingled during encounters between people and the authorities. 16 These three examples, among many others, show that the first object of any historiographical analysis must be the elucidation of the effects produced on the historical evidence by the rules governing archival records. 14 See Natalie Zemon Davis, Fiction in the Archives: Pardon Tales and Their Tellers in Sixteenth-Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987). 15 See Carlo Ginzburg, The Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983). 16 See Arlette Farge, La vie fragile: Violence, pouvoirs et solidarités à Paris au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Hachette, 1986); and Farge, Dire et mal dire: L opinion publique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Seuil, 1992). For English translations see Fragile Lives: Violence, Power, and Solidarity in Eighteenth-Century Paris, trans. Carol Shelton (Cambridge: Polity, 1993); and Subversive Words: Public Opinion in Eighteenth-Century France, trans. Rosemary Morris (Cambridge: Polity, 1994).

215 138 MLQ March 2006 It is such a relation between actions or experiences and the discursive genres considered proper for representing them that is discussed in the essays by Timothy Hampton and David Quint. The first deals with the different possibilities during the Renaissance for framing within written texts the practices and rituals of diplomatic actions. The second explores in a comparative way how tragedy exposes in the seventeenth century the loss of identity and power experienced by the different European nobilities subjugated by the absolutist sovereigns. In both cases, the failure of some form of public discourse (diplomatic rhetoric or aristocratic proclamation) leads to the production of literature, understood either as private representation of the self or as tragic vision of the world. Literature is not the only means of expressing experience. As Reinhart Koselleck has shown, different forms of historiographical writing are also attached to different modalities of the experience of time. To the three categories of experience the perception of singularity, the consciousness of repetition, and the knowledge of transformation correspond three manners of writing history: history that registers the uniqueness of phenomena, history that mobilizes comparisons and analogies, and history that deploys critical methods and techniques. 17 Nevertheless, these different forms of textual embodiment of the past belong to the same generic category: history. In recent decades the definition of history as a genre (according to the old Aristotelian definition) led to the inventory of the similarities that such a discursive representation of the past shares with fiction: rhetorical tropes, narrative structures, metaphorical figures. Works by Hayden White, Michel de Certeau, and Paul Ricoeur made more complex the demarcation held as evident by positivist tradition between historical knowledge and fictional narratives. 18 The vulnerability of the distinction was made still 17 Reinhart Koselleck, Erfahrungswandel und Methodenwechsel: Eine historischanthropologische Skizze, in Historische Methode, ed. Christian Meier and Jörn Rüsen (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch, 1988), For an English translation of the essay see Transformations of Experience and Methodological Change: A Historical- Anthropological Essay, in The Practice of Conceptual History: Timing History, Spacing Concepts, trans. Todd Samuel Presner et al. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002), Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973); White, The Content of the

216 Chartier Genre between Literature and History 139 more evident by imaginary biographies or histories that have appropriated the techniques of authentication and proof proper to scientific writing (notes, quotations, references). 19 Is it reasonable to assume that because the form is the same, the content is identical? Or that the regime of truth about the past is the same in historical accounts and novelistic writing? I do not think so. Quint s claim about the need to identify the formal marks that allow us to recognize a text as literary (even if the word could be anachronistic) has a corollary: to characterize the criteria that permit designating historical discourse as scientific, if we understand by such a term what Certeau has described in his book L écriture de l histoire as la possibilité d établir un ensemble de règles permettant de contrôler des opérations proportionnées à la production d objets déterminés (the possibility of conceiving an ensemble of rules allowing control of operations adapted to the production of specific objects or ends) (Ecriture de l histoire, 64; Writing, 103). It is perhaps a way of thinking that there is no contradiction between rhetoric and proof and that the blurring of generic distinctions does not necessarily mean the identity of epistemological differences. 20 Roger Chartier is directeur d études at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris) and Annenberg Visiting Professor of History at the University of Pennsylvania. Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987); Michel de Certeau, L écriture de l histoire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975); Paul Ricoeur, Temps et récit, 3 vols. (Paris: Seuil, ). For an English translation of Certeau see The Writing of History, trans. Tom Conley (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988). For an English translation of Ricoeur see Time and Narrative, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer, 3 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ). 19 Among others, see the two imaginary biographies written by Max Aub, Vida y obra de Luis Alvarez Petreña (Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1971), and Jusep Torres Campalans (Barcelona: Ediciones Destino, 1999). 20 See Carlo Ginzburg, History, Rhetoric, and Proof (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1999).

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218 Why is History Antitheoretical? Author(s): Prasenjit Duara Source: Modern China, Vol. 24, No. 2, Symposium: Theory and Practice in Modern Chinese History Research. Paradigmatic Issues in Chinese Studies, Part V, (Apr., 1998), pp Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: Accessed: 27/05/ :50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

219 Why Is History Antitheoretical? PRASENJIT DUARA University of Chicago Historians and history departments generally do not teach courses that reflect on a common foundation of knowledge in their discipline. Occasional historiography courses make vague claims to a universalism, but the historiography turns out to be embedded in an area, usually Europe. The philosophy of history is clearly out. History may be about the only discipline that does not care to consider its own suppositions and may well be institutionally opposed to self-examination. As one interested in the question of how historiographical paradigmshape our understanding of China, I believe it is important to address the question of why history is antitheoretical. To be sure, and to anticipate my conclusion, an antitheoretical stance in the writing of history can be a worthy and dignified one, but not without reflecting on the role of theory.1 The missionary college at which I did my undergraduate studies, the venerable St. Stephens College in Delhi, offered a nonscience major basically three possibilities: English, economics, or history. Those with advanced math did economics, the romantic ones did English, and the rest of us in history were groomed or, more realistically, simply expected to join the civil service. That may well have been my first exposure to the bonds between history and nation building. Subsequently, I learned that the moder historical profession in aca- demia was established precisely at the time that the moder nationstate was articulating its national mission, as for instance in France in AUTHOR'S NOTE: l am thankful to PerryAnderson, Dipesh Chakravarty, James Hevia, Bruce Lincoln, and Sarah Mazafor their help with this article. MODERN CHINA, Vol. 24 No. 2, April ? 1998 Sage Publications, Inc. 105

220 106 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War, or in the United States, where it was given the charge "to heal the nation" in the aftermath of the Civil War (Keylor, 1975: 3; Novick, 1988: 71-81). Still later, I wrote a book in which I argued that the nation-state and its ideological apparatuses have fundamentally shaped our understanding and categories of history (Duara, 1995a). The writing of history is antitheoretical, first, because it is the principal means of naturalizing the nation-state as the container of, or the skin that contains, the experiences of the past. In this way, the nation-state claims rights to the peoples and lands of this geobody. Critics will point to obvious exceptions such as Marxism and the Annales school, among others. In response, I argue that these exceptions have not sufficiently exposed the fundamental connections between the nation-state and the linear mode of history (Duara, 1995a: chap. 1) and, therefore, in many ways continue to fall into nationalist traps as the history of Marxism has shown (see below). I want to point to two other factors that contribute to the lack of theory in historiography and, consequently, to the bond between history and the nation-state. First, history has no theory because there are no satisfactory models for theorizing over time, over flux and change-the object of historical knowledge. While this may sound banal, it is amazing how rarely the phenomenon is addressed or confronted. Theory building in social sciences and humanities is essentially synchronic, and even developmental models, say in psychology, are contained within narrow and controlled time frames. The flows of events and practices over time appear to be inhospitable to the kinds of social science-derived models to which we have subjected them. This factor also accounts for the dismal record of prediction in the social sciences for anything other than the intuitive. It is in the nature of things to change in time, and that is why the narrative mode is so appealing. The borrowing of theory from elsewhere has also reinforced the alienation of history from theory since this theory has not emerged from problems intrinsic to historical change. The narrative theory of Hayden White is an exception (see especially White, 1987), but even with White, the solutions tend to be drawn from literary theory. Of course, all theory has to cross disciplinary borders, but the absence within history of a tradition and a space-a home, particularly within the institution-for theory has made it hard to be self-reflexive.

221 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 107 The theoretical vacuum that faces the object of historical knowledge thus both enables and is perhaps partially produced by the ideological needs of the nation-state. In the early stages of our education, the historical pedagogy of the nation-state involves not a grammar or methodology of history but the learning, often rote learning, of its content. One of its principal goals is to instill love, pride, shame, resentment, or even vengeance for the nation, not to understand the grammar that could question its categories. In other words, history is the most important pedagogic technology of identity formation. In 1995, I spent a year in a committee that recommended revisions of the National Standards of Education in History, produced ably by the National Center for History in the Schools. I emerged from that experience with the conviction that it is not only possible but imperative to balance the need for identity formation with a critical understanding of that very formation (i.e., to understand how historical education is also about the production of the self). The other factor contributing to the antipathy to reflection is that the domination of that historical methodology has been dominated by an older scientific model of knowledge acquisition. In the crudest version of this model, the verification of the facts is not only the most important task of history (as well it should be in every discipline), but their accumulation is assumed to be able ultimately to yield a story that is true to the past. There is thus a strong subject-object dichotomy (transcendental subject vs. thing-in-itself) assumed here. Many practicing historians would doubtlessly deny that they subscribe to such a strong scientistic model, but such assumptions continue in the call, say, for theory to illumine their materials. In such a call lies the notion that theory is like a scientific law or hypothesis that will allow the investigating subject to attain the truth. By insisting on this conception of theoretical knowledge, the profession has tended to bar inquiry into history as a means of constituting and organizing knowledge. Without such inquiry, it becomes difficult to see how national history produces the space-time vectors that frame periodization strategies, areal narratives, and, ultimately, the boundaries of our identities. Thus, it is the subject-object distinction that makes it so difficult for us to recognize that what we think of as our object also constitutes us as subjects. It is in the context of scientificity that we can see how and why Marxism became acceptable as a historical theory in many parts of the

222 108 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 world. Marxism has very important insights regarding the relationship of the class location of historiographical production to the conception and organization of historical knowledge. But Marxism was also acceptable because it participated in the hegemonic scientific paradigm whereby theory-correct, scientific theory--could reflect the truth of reality. As the expression of this correct theory, it ultimately exempted itself from examining its own structures of knowledge and how the knowing subject may itself be determined by a history that its theory of history could not explain. I am thinking particularly here of Marxism's rather poor understanding of nationalism or rather of the power of the nation's political technologies to produce the national subject-and, in the case of China above all, the Marxist national subject. Nationalism, or rather the global system of nation-states, establishes the space-time vectors of nationhood in which the individual comes to recognize himself or herself, at least in significant respects. A vector, according to Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (1995), is "a quantity that has magnitude, direction and sense and that is commonly represented by a directed line segment whose length represents the magnitude and whose orientation in space [or time] represents the direction." The space of the nation is the territorially bounded geobody moving forward in time. Unlike traditional histories, modem national histories do not derive their moral meaning by turning back to an ideal of authenticity; their directionality is linear toward the future. This linearity is modeled on the evolutionism of a species, and the species is a nationality, with whatever principle it may be defined: race, language, common history, or something else. Even the most sophisticated modem Chinese historians active during the Republic-such as Gu Jiegang, Fu Sinian, or Chen Yinke, who were attentive to how a people could be historically both made and unmadebelieved like most historians everywhere in the era of the nation-state system that history represented the evolution of a people within a territory. In this respect, they-their subjectivities-were different from those who wrote the history of a dynasty or of an unbounded civilization and its values. Linear evolutionism refers to the way historiography constitutes the object of inquiry: as a bounded entity (like a species) that grows or should grow to some level at which a criterion of success is attached

223 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 109 (whether this be competitive ability vis-a-vis other species or nationality, or simply self-consciousness). Just as there can be complexity and reversals in evolutionism, so too in modem history the national species can regress, lose its unity, and receive "new blood" from elsewhere. Just as a species can find dormant organs (or unforeseen abilities), so too do historians find obscured traditions or repressed histories to show the unity or abilities of a people anew. What remains is the notion of a nationality as a unity or category as in a species. Indeed, precisely because these historians are complex and honest, they cannot always show that there is an entity called a Chinese people throughout history. Several historians point to breaks, especially in the Eastern Jin and at other times. But in addressing the problem of rupture, the effort is directed precisely to establishing a continuity, to show how the thread is retied (Duara, 1995a: chap. 1). Because the object of inquiry was not constituted in this particular linear, evolutionary way in prenational histories, it behooves us to ask why this evolving nation becomes the guiding assumption of modem historiography. There are several convergent reasons. Central among these is that the nation-state staked its sovereignty on the notion of the collective self-consciousness of the people and the territorial state as one. As Hegel (1956) strove to demonstrate, this self-consciousness emerged only in societies that recorded and recognized their progress in history. Indeed, it is only territorial nations with historical self-consciousness that, in the social Darwinist world of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, had rights in the international system of sovereign states. Such nation-states had the freedom, even right, to destroy nonnations such as tribal polities and empires. This is how we can understand Hegel's belief that the British defeat of China was not only inevitable but necessary. This observation also alerts us to another factor necessitating the historical mode for the nation-state: its linear directionality made it future oriented and performative. It is only through the evolution of self-consciousness that the nation will be positioned to move competitively into modernity. In other words, this mode of history is necessary for the nation-state because it is performative: its conception of the past will enable it to propel the nation into a desired future direction.

224 110 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 If in fact the nation-state has succeeded in controlling the terms for writing histories, then how can we work ourselves out of these terms? From my point of view, Michel Foucault's (1978, 1990) worksthough not concerned with nationalism-have been among the most usable in regard to thinking our way out. Instead of a hidden truth that can be penetrated by a powerful theory, Foucault writes repeatedly about the "production" of knowledge by discursive and disciplinary practices. Thus, the discourses of sexuality or the disciplinary regimes of the prison or psychology themselves produce the modem criminal or the psychotic-the object of this knowledge-and insofar as the regimes of power/knowledge sustain the "technologies of the self," they produce the subject as well. It is in this sense that I argue that new knowledge of linear progressive history itself produces the past in a mode that is appropriable by present powers-as an object of its knowledge. Insofar as this knowledge-of a meaningful directed past-is involved in fierce contests for domination over other modes of time and knowledge, this knowledge is as productive of contemporary reality as it is reflective of it.2 Theory is useful to me not because it illumines a hidden truth fixed by the death of the past. Theory illumines the object because it provokes the historian as subject. Because we ask new questions, because we question and reconceive our narratives, because we see new relationships, the field of historical investigation breathes life in the dead. That is, the awareness and acknowledgment that we have been constituting the historical object (for the sake of the nation or some other power) should allow us to be able to reconstitute it responsibly. Note that this is an order of historiography that is different from the more strictly methodological procedures of accounting for the veracity of facts, evaluating the quality of the data, and establishing an adequate relationship between evidence and argument-none of which are necessarily determined by whether there is one or many historical stories. New questions open new angles of inquiry and expand and transform historical configurations. Materials that were peripheral in an earlier framework acquire a new significance and push us to look for more materials in response. In the old scientistic framework, we called these changes "revisionism." It had the sense of a once and for all chance to change the received truth. Now such a word is already

225 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 111 becoming an archaism and, in practice, "revisionism" is the normal state of affairs in emerging research. This is less in the sense of disproving another's research (although that does and should happen) but in that history has many stories to tell-stories that are related but not unified in a single story. There are old and new stories, and the relationships between them tell still other stories. Stories seep into each other across national and temporal boundaries. Some stories are complicit with dominant stories, others contest them, and there are later stories that frame complicit stories as those of contestation. Private stories become public in other stories, and there are always stories that will try to subsume all other stories. There are also different ways of telling stories. New modes of historical production through movies, fiction, or museum exhibitions link historical understanding to other networks of knowledge, pushing the boundaries of the historical object still farther. What is happening is that new historical practices are transforming the dominant theoretical paradigm itself. The new research is an open-ended process of configuring and reconfiguring the field(s). The image of emerging research can no longer be framed as ajigsaw puzzle of the past with missing pieces but a puzzle whose outer frames are constantly changing and realigning (thus also changing the missing pieces). The real challenge here is to be able to distill the emergent principles for pedagogical purposes such as the writing of textbooks. To my mind, the new philosophical principle implied by this research is that boundedness and unicity are not only as socially constructed as domination and subject formation but, also and especially, that each set shapes the other. And if we can learn to tell such complex stories with simplicity and power, we will surely surpass currentrends in multiculturalist histories that have replicated the evolutionist mode of nationalist histories. But to be able to tell complex stories simply, we have to reflect. A PRELIMINARYAGENDA FOR THEORY IN HISTORY History-though not necessarily linear history-as Paul Ricoeur (1984, 1988) tells us, is the human response to making sense of temporality. There are at least three sets of presuppositions about time

226 112 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 that deserve to be part of the theoretical agenda of history: the problem of periodization, the problem of causation, and the problem of different kinds of (nonhomogeneous) time as addressed, for instance, by the Annales school. All three problem areas also further question the spatial element: how strategies of periodization may validate a territory (e.g., why did the Cambridge History of China begin with imperial unification?), how a certain conception of causation reduces historical happenings to a certain space of the present, how different conceptions and valuations of time are hierarchized in history (Fabian, 1983), and how those without records are regarded as unself-conscious and thus unhistorical (the subaltern problem). Here history exists only in the space of the elites and state. PERIODIZATION If the object of inquiry is constituted as a linear entity, this object is organized by strategies of periodization. Every division of time into a period implies a philosophy of history behind it. The privileging of an organizing principle that reveals the truth of the period or even one that "best explains" the historical materials and gives it its name has to be understood in its role within the system of knowledge that produces the world and its values. Thus, Hegelian and Marxist periodization schemes privilege principles whose philosophical foundation is evident. Elsewhere I have tried to show how the tripartite division of early twentieth-century national histories into ancient, medieval, and moder, well-suited nationalist cosmology that required both a continuity and unity of a people as well as a moder future that broke from the past. The division allowed the moder period to connect with the ancient (with or without a renaissance) even while the historian could reject what was unsuitable to modernity as medieval accretions (Duara, 1995a: 34). Later historians posit "freedom" or "development" as the organizing principle (e.g., the interesting emergence of the "early moder"), principles that are identifiable with the dominant values of democracy and/or growth. New historians of sexual identity, feminists, and gays periodize with reference to the evolving potential for freedom or for "coming out." Once again, the tie with subject formation is intimate.

227 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 113 Periodization is, of course, indispensable for the historian, but it is also interesting to note how discomforting periodization can be for many historians. This is particularly observable in a familiar and unproductive debate irritating exchanges between historians and social scientists or other historians. It is one where the social scientist, eager to bound a systemic understanding temporally, treats the historical as the horizon of difference in search of the distinctive feature of say the private-public distinction or state building. The historian, on the other hand, can always find an expression of the phenomenon to have occurred earlier. To be sure, change is universally acknowledged, but when the historian's microscope is applied or when the historian's detail is uncovered, these temporal boundaries are pushed back a little further. The point at which change was expected to occur becomes unrecognizable. This has more dramatic consequences when the event symbolizing the birth or death of a period, such as the French revolution or Liberation in 1949-so critical to individual subjectivity- itself dissolves into complex and contradictory processes. What is the way out? Do we need further specification of temporal processes? A fluid hierarchy of temporality? To be sure, our response depends on what kind of role we conceive for history. We could simply recognize its power to mold individual identity and take the multiculturalist way out. Or we could dwell on how history, which is not merely a mirror of the human species, can expand our self-understanding. History as past time is not like human death or death of the species, as in the popular saying "you are history." It is an exploration of the possibilities of an era, of its productions, suppressions, and tensions. If we can formulate how the dominant trends of an era are configured, not only by their suppressing but moralizing and normalizing other possibilities, we will have a periodizing scheme that acknowledges its own mode of power. In the remainder of this article, I will illustrate some of the problems of temporality that I have begun to encounter in my own recent work, including that of causality and the formulation of space-time categories outside those of the nation. CA USALITY Ever since the notion that historians deploy narratives to constitute history became established, the iron law of linear historical causation

228 114 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 as one in which cause A, anterior in time, produces effect B, has been complicated. Since the narrative of history is in considerable measure shaped by the needs of the contemporary nation, the "causes" producing the nation in history are by the same logic also simultaneously "effects" of this nation. Consider this example of how cause and effect can be confounded in the sources themselves. In my research about nationalist efforts to mobilize the overseas Chinese in the early twentieth century, I ran into a passage uttered by the revolutionary nationalist Hu Hanmin. Hu was disappointed by how many overseas Chinese in Nanyang had lost their Chinese identity and the extent to which those who remained Chinese were under the spell of Manchu customs. Indeed, the only way to identify thenl as Chinese was by the queue that they sported-a sign, of course, of submission to the Manchus in China. While Hu, on one hand, decries their lack of a modem republican sensibility, he is thankful that the queue at least continues to identify them as Chinese. He then goes on to comment that he would have them cut off their queues after they had been made sufficiently Chinese (Zhongguohuale)(Hu Hanmin, 1964: ; Duara, 1997a). The passage symbolizes the complex transactions between sign and practice in historical process. It is the queue that enables the revolutionaries to attain their goal of establishing Chineseness; yet upon attaining the goal, they would efface this very cause and substitute it (its cutting, more precisely) as its effect. Might we not have been fooled by his account if he had not been so curiously explicit? At the same time, this kind of legitimate complication in the understanding of the flow of causation has led to the massive proliferation of notions of "invented,"imagined," and "constructed" histories. There is a tendency in these notions to deny the causal effectiveness of the past whatsoever. I believe that this is a simplification that ignores very subtle and complex processes of continuity and change. The past can be seen to appear in three ways: (1) as completely made up or invented; (2) as producing effects by being encoded in institutional continuity or iteration-for example, through the continuity of land registration practices or through bodily habits, such as the continuity of dress for women (as opposed to men); and (3) as a present reformulation of something from the past (which amounts to an exchange

229 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 115 with the present). Both (1) and (2) are far too simple by themselves. Most historical change takes place as a interaction between (2) and (3). A social practice emerges in the present not only through bodily, physical, or institutional forms but through its representation in a code. Simple historiography assumes a continuity or transparency between code and practice. The deconstructionist critique of ordinary historical writing derives from its conception of a split between code and practice, between signifier and signified (Spivak, 1988); it is directed against the latter's supposed inability to see that continuity in the code conceals a changed practice (or the reverse, where a new code conceals old practices). There are indeed powerful political forces-those whose legitimacy is founded in a moment of the past-that are invested in the notion of continuity. They do not only seek to retain the name but also contrive to make certain practices live up to the name. Indeed, one might say that Confucius, in his notion of zhengming or the rectification of names, knew this well and was determined to change the reality to fit the name. But while this critique from theory is useful, it is insufficiently attentive to how the continuing code (or the practice) may itself enable and structure the change and its trajectory. Let me take an example from my recent work on the role of women in "redemptive moder societies," such as the Morality Society of the early twentieth century, which, like scores of other such societies, emphasized the importance of Eastern spirituality in a vision of capitalist modernity. For many of the families that belonged to this society, their womenfolk, in body and mind, were to represent the essence of Eastern tradition and spirituality. Thus, they were to be self-sacrificing and ideally confined to the home. Here we have a continuity of bodily and institutional practices across the imperial/republican divide. But the meaning of these practices was shaped as much by the new needs of men and women participating in a world different from imperial society. Thus, for instance, the signifier shen-which in earlier periods referred principally to the body and bodily comportment in the context of women-comes, evidently in silent exchange with imported ideas of selfhood, to bear meanings close to moder ideas of individuality and self-reliance. Thus, for Mrs. Chen, the notion of shen as self/individuality comes to shape her notion of

230 116 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 self-sacrifice (xisheng) as greater self-reliance. The nationalist, Wang Jingwei, deploys the rhetoric of self-sacrifice among women, via family patriarchy, for the cause of the nation. In turn, these changed meanings affect the practice of self-sacrifice ultimately away from supporting the patriarchal family to the self and the state (Duara, 1995b). What we see here, however, is a certain recognizable meaning of sacrifice that continues to attach to women. It is the weight of this idea across society that enables this particular trajectory of change, perhaps even up to a point at which the very idea may itself become unrecognizable. Finally, I will introduce my current work in which I seek to transgress the vectors of national history. I spent a year in the archives and libraries of Northeast China working on the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo. As I write this book, Manchukuo is turning out to be less a subject of this study than a site to examine the workings of an ever-opening history that refuses to be finally framed by the spatiotemporal vectors of the national histories of either China or Japan. The emergence of moder nationalism in China is conventionally dated around I want to show how the birth of this nationalism was also accompanied by the emergence of largely ignored but very important transnational ideologies and movements, often in the same person, as in Kang Youwei, for whom nationalism was but a stage toward a transnational utopia-a world without walls. (Kang's thought is also relevant because he tries to reconcile different temporalities. It emerged out of Chinese philosophical conceptions of time but adapted to the new global conception of linear history.) The process of constructing the institutions and subjectivity of nationhood not only obscures these transnational ideologies and flows (Duara, 1997a) but also the very transnational resources by which China was constructed as a unique nation. Among these cultural resources was the lexicon of modernity where tens of thousands of specialized and common words, compounds, and phrases of classical Chinese provenance were given very different meanings in the moder discourses constructed in Japan. When they returned to China, this vocabulary seemed to establish a transparent relationship of the present to the Chinese past. In practice, this "lexical effect" actually inserted Chinese in a regional East Asian discourse of the modem. This may well

231 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 117 have brought modem Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese discursively closer to each other than, for instance, to their peasants. My new work, which focuses on this Sino-Japanese encounter, is a social history of the transnational discourse of authenticity. I examine this topic in four areas: in the civilizational discourse of pan-asianism; in the representation of woman, particularly "traditional" woman; in the ethnographic discourse of the "primitive" associated with modem territorial control of borders; and, finally, in the discourse of "locality" or native place (xiangtu) in a variety of academic, literary, and political practices. In each case, the effort is to isolate a local or particular instantiation-an enunciation-of a more central, national, or imperial narrative examining its impact as lived experience or performance. How is this experience framed and reframed over time by centers contesting for hegemony over its meaning-the nation, the empire, the local polity, and transnational capital and the local polity? What are the spatial ramifications of such a local instantiation? Thus, for example, my focus on the Japanese ethnography of the tiny Tungusic group in Manchuria called the Elunchun reveals the way in which ethnography becomes a means of making territorial claims on the area. In response to this practice, a veritable explosion of popular and academic ethnographic discourse, not confined to Manchuria, takes place in the China of the 1930s (Duara, 1996). The Elunchun, now objectified as a category and bombarded by very material policies before and after 1945, are, of course, no longer local, but neither is their story told once and for all. If historians can responsibly write these as true, open, and meaningful stories, then contemporary Elunchun may well have some freedom to fashion themselves from their pasts. CONCLUSION The signifier "history" has an amazingly large number of meanings. History not only conceals the difference between historiography and historical reality but can refer to both change and continuity. The notion of "you are history" refers to what is dead and gone, and we also look for the historical in the uniqueness of a society when we look

232 118 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 for continuity, for the past in the present. There is also another deeper conception of history that refers to the creative principle, to the appearance of the new in time. This is the contribution of linear history (Pocock, 1975: 551). It is perhaps the most abstract conception of history, incorporating the notion of the future as future history and the past as the appearance of the new. The philosophy of history has approached this concept with the idea of progress whereby the present can control future appearance, but we are not bound to see it only as such. Without a critical self-reflexivity, each of these notions of history can be made to serve as a tool of power. Without thinking through the problem of how space and time are conceived and produced in history, we become passive agents of powers such as the nation-state that control the meanings of such categories. In the end, these categories shape our sense of the self and, to that extent, my call for self-reflexivity refers both to the discipline and to the individual. But the historian also has a special relationship with the real and the particular. As the principle of the new, history is the creative excess, the remainder that eludes control by a systematizing knowledge. As de Certeau (1988) has said of the remainder in another context, it remains a radical Otherness and, as such, is repeatedly an incitement to knowledge. It is in this sense that the historian must be intimately familiar with the real, the particulareal, because it is in the distinctive unfolding of the real that theory has its true reason for existence. Historians of our time face the double challenge of thinking theoretically while remaining aware that every interpretation seeks to close a source whose generativity is inexhaustible. NOTES 1. By theory I refer to reflection on the grounds of historical knowledge: the presuppositions of historical concepts, the role of the historian, and the means of historical representation, among others. 2. However, in Foucault, the production or constitution of knowledge can become a closed circle because the knowing and producing subject is also constituted by this same knowledge. While it is absolutely critical to acknowledge the way in which the subject is so produced, this is not to say that there are no other sources of subject production in a society. My own position is that in any society, there are multiple sources of knowledge, discourses, and practices. Their

233 Duara / WHY IS HISTORYANTITHEORETICAL? 119 contradictions and intersections produce interstitial spaces from which difference from the dominant ideology can be articulated. REFERENCES DE CERTEAU, M. (1988) "Ethno-graphy: speech or the space of the other: Jean de Lery," pp in Michel de Certeau, The Writing of History. Tom Conley, trans. New York: Columbia Univ. Press. DUARA, PRASENJIT (1995a) Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modem China. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. (1995b) "Of Authenticity and Woman: Personal Narratives of Middle Class Women in Modem China." Unpublished ms. (1996) "Imperial nations/national empires: ethnography and territory in modem East Asia." Paper presented at Conference on Colonialism, Nationalism and Modernity in East Asia. Univ. of Santa Cruz, Oct. (1997a) "Nationalists among transnationals: overseas Chinese and the idea of China," pp in Aihwa Ong and Donald Nonnini (eds.), Crossing the Edges of Empires: Culture, Capitalism and Identities in the Asia-Pacific. New York: Routledge. (1997b) "Transnationalism and the predicament of sovereignty, Moder China " American Historical Rev. 102, no. 4 (Oct.): (1997c) "The regime of authenticity: Timelessness, gender, and national history." History and Theory. Forthcoming. FABIAN, JOHANNES (1983) Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object. New York: Columbia Univ. Press. FOUCAULT, MICHEL (1978) The History of Sexuality: Vol. 1. An Introduction. Robert Hurley, trans. New York: Pantheon. -- (1990) The History of Sexuality: Vol. 2. The Use of Pleasure. Robert Hurley, trans. New York: Vintage. HEGEL, GEORG W. F. (1956) The Philosophy of History. J. Sibree, trans. New York: Dover. HU HANMIN (1964) "Nanyang yu Zhongguo geming" (Nanyang and the Chinese revolution), pp in Zhonghua minguo kaiguo wushinian wenxian bianzhuan weiyuanhui (Editorial Committee on Documents of the Fifty Years Since the Founding of the Republic of China) (comp.), Geming zhi changdao yu fazhan (The Launching and Development of the Revolution), vol. 1, no. 11 in the series Zhonghua minguo kaiguo wushinian wenxian. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju. KEYLOR, WILLIAM R. (1975) Academy and Community in France: The Foundation of the French Historical Profession. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press. Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary [10th ed.] (1995) Springfield, MA: Merriam Webster. NOVICK, PETER (1988) That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press. POCOCK, J.G.A. (1975) The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. RICOEUR, PAUL (1984) Time and Narrative. Vol. 1. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. (1988) Time and Narrative. Vol. 3. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. SPIVAK, G. (1988) "Subaltern studies: deconstructing historiography," pp in Ranajit Guha and Gayatri C. Spivak (eds.), Selected Subaltern Studies. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

234 120 MODERN CHINA /APRIL 1998 WHITE, HAYDEN (1987) The Content of Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press. Prasenjit Duara is a professor of history at the University of Chicago. He is the author of Culture, Power and the State: Rural North China, (Stanford, 1988) and Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modem China (Chicago, 1995). He has used the opportunity to reflect on the relationship of theory and history provided by this forum also to think about the path leading from Rescuing History to his next project on world culture and the frontiers of the East Asian modem.

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244 134,, Partha Chatterjee :,,,,,,, ;,, 19,,,,-,,,,,-,,,, -,,,,,,,, -,,, 1, 20,,20,,,, (Oswald Spengler),,,,, :,, (Arnold Toynbee) : ( The Nation and Its Fragments : Colonial and Postcolonial Histories) ( Prince2 ton NJ : Princeton University Press, 1993),5

245 135,,, 19 70,,,,,,,,,,;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ( Frederic Jameson) 70,, : ( Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, Robert Young : ( The Postmodern History Read2 er, ed. Keith Jenkins) (London :Routledge,1997),75-76

246 136,, (temporality) (Jean Baudrillard),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,,,,,, (the Other) (David Harvey),, 60,,, :,,,,,?,?,? (science), ( Wissenschaft),,,,,,,,,,,,?,?,? : (Jean Baudrillard,The Illusion of the End, ),39-46 :: (David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity : An Enquiry in2 to the Origin of Cultural Change, Cambridge MA : Basil Blackwell,1989)

247 137,?,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (Samuel Huntington), :, ( The West : Unique, not Universal),,,,( Edward Said),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,; 1?,, :, (Samuel Huntington,The West : Unique, not Universal, ( ( For2 eign A f f ai rs),75 6 ( / 12 ),28-46 :: (Andre Frank, ReOrient : Global Economy i n the Asian A ge) (1998),

248 138,,;,,,, ( Fustel de Coulanges) :,,,19,, 19,,,,,, 1871,,,, ( E. H. Carr) :19 :,,19, 19,,,, ;,,, 1930 (Charles Beard) (Carl Becker),,,,20, ( Gertrude Himmelfarb),,, : : ( Georg Iggers, The German Conception of History : The National Tradition of Historical Thought f rom Herder to the Pre2 sent) (Middletown CT :Wesleyan University Press,1968) 2 (,1981),3 : ( Gertrude Himmelfarb,Telling It as You Like It), ( The Post modern History Reader)

249 139,,,,,,,,; (verstehen),,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ( Hayden White),,,, (emplotment),,,, ( Hans Kellner),,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,,,,,20 20,,, ;, : ( Hans Kellner,Language and Historical Representation ),,

250 140,, ( Martin Hei2 degger),( Paul Ricoeur),,,,,,,,,,, (ontology),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, : ( Paul Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences : Essays on L anguage, Action and Interpretation, ed., trans. & intro., John B. Thompson) (London : Cambridge University Press, 1981),54,: ( Gre gory Bruce Smith, Nietzsche, Hei degger and the Transition to Post modernity) (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1996),

251 141?,?,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (),,,,,,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,19,,,,,,,23 (1999 )

252 142,,,,,,,,;,,,,,,,,,,, 1,,19,,,, 20,,,,,,,,,,,,,,20,, (wie es eigentlich gewesen),,,,,,,,,,,,,,( ) : ( Frank Ankersmit,Historiography and Postmodernism, ) 27 3 (1988), That Noble Dream,(Charles A. Beard) 30, (that) (this), Peter Novick, : : ( That Noble Dream : the Objectivity Questionand the A merican Historical Prof ession) (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988)

253 The Rise of New Cultural History Yang Yu Li Xia & Shu Xiao Yun Peter Burke, Professor of cultural History at the University of Cambridge, made a lecture on new cultural history and had a discussion on the development of European historical writing with Professor Yang Yu and some students of History Department Nanjing Univcrsity during his visit in China in Scptcmber, New cultural history, or socio2cultural history, is one of the most important cultural turns in historical writings since 1970s. Its topic include material culture, history of body, memory and image, and political cultural history, etc. As a intel2 lectual movement, new cultural history is a reaction against New History and quantitative history, because profes2 sional historians are no longer dissatisfied with their determinism. And the assumption behind the new cultural history is to seek a greater degree of human freedom. He points out that a simplistic voluntarism, i. e. to assume that we can construct or invent ourselves, social group or our nation as if no social and cultural limitaions, is the problem for the new cultural historians now. As an historian, Peter Burke doesn t think philosophy, such as the postmodernism has a direct influence on historical writings. (142 ),,,,,,,,,,(),,,,CNN,,, 18,,,,,,,, 20,,,,,,,,?,?, ( :) ( :),,

254 SUMMARIES OF ARTICL ES Historiograp hy, Conception of History and Social Changes in the 20 th Century Wu Huaiqi The history of the 20 th century is full of struggles and the setup of the world has undergone great changes. These all are not accidental ;they have profound economic and political causes. The frontier discourse rising in the United States in the late l9 th century was much favoured by the American rulers. Turner s frontier thesis gradual2 ly became a theoretical foundation of Ainerican aggressive actions. In the 20 th century, the Russian Revolution and the changes following it, the victory of the Chinese revolution and the successful reform and opening since the l980s have all demonstrated the rightness of Marxist historical theories. Historical materlalism is the theoretical weapon through which we can examine the changes in the 20 th centurv and look into the prospects in the new century. Community in the West : Its History, Theory and Recent Sit uation Jiang Peng This article makes an examination of Western theories on community and the development of community in Canada. It reveals that a community is a self2governing organization of the citizens which is, however, not sepa2 rable from governmental support. The self2government of a community has its own economic base and needs the development of the community economy. The development of community in a country is closely linked with its history, culture and political structure. Therefore, there is no unitary pattern of community. Post modernism and History Wang qingjia Postmodernism as a Western cultural trend originated in the left2wing student movcments of the late 1960s. It has challcnged the Enlightenment belief in the universality of scientific reason on two grounds. The first is its criticism of the pursuit ofgrandnarrativeand / ormetanarrative in history, which is regarded as merely an extension of Eurocentrism. the sccond is its questioning of the idea oftruth in historiography. Modern develop2 ments in the study of linguistics and hermeneutics have shown, postmodernists argue, that historians employ in2 terpretative frameworks in their writings which makes their accounts of history no more factual than any literary works. The challenge of postmodernism to history has resulted in a few noticeable changes in historical writings. Historians have been more and more interested inthe Otherof modern historiography, such as non2western culture, women and lower social classes. But taken as a whole, postmodernism has not shaken the basis of histor2 ical writing, which is the human desire for knowing thetruth,no matter how unattainable, in the world.

255 : : (Jam es L. H evia) : 1793, ;, :, :,,,,! 1793 ( ),,,,, ( ) ( ) ;,, (), ( ),, (), ( ) ( 1989 ), : (), ,

256 1999 1, ),, (, 1793,,,,,,,, ( ),, (, 19, 18 ),, ()(),,,,,,, ( ),, : 1793 (, ) 1995, ( ) ( ), :, :, ;, Jam es L. H evia, Cherish ing M en f rom A f ar: Q ing Guest R itual and the M acartney Em bassy of,, , D urham & L ondon: D uke U niversity P ress, 1995, pp1xv, 292. Robert A. B ickers, Kai2w ing Chow, Pam ela K. C ro ssley, Jerry D ennerline, John L ee, N ancy Park, R ichard J. Sm ith,,,,

257 :, () ;,,, 1997, ( ) (Jo seph W. E sherick), () (Ben jam in E lm an) (T heodo re H u ters), ( ),, 10, 1, ( ) (), ( ),, ,, 5 3, 18, 4, ,, (sovereign equa li 2ty) (h ierarch ical inclu sion), : 16 (a natu ralized hegem on ic discou rse) ( :, ; : : ; :? ; :, ,

258 ), (27 ),,, gg,, (, ) : (m u ltitude of lo rds), (im agin ing of em p ire), ;, (Edw ard W. Said),,,,, (1920 ), (discou rse), (in terdom ainal relation s in ternational relation s), [] (28 ),,, ( gg ), ( ),, ( ) (), g g,,, Edw ard W. Said, O rientalism, N ew Yo rk: V intage Book s, 1979 discourse of agency, 106 (agent),

259 : (113, ), (21 ) (nego tiation),,, (open2ended), (channeling along a cen tering path), 6,,,, (sen se), (em pathy) :, ( 123 ),,,,,, g(superio rg inferio r) ( ),,, ( ), (, ),,,, ( a centering path,, , :, (, ), 107

260 ),?,?, 18 (the pub lic sphere) (),, (, ),,,, ;, 18 :,, (speak ing the pub lic sphere),, :,, ( )19,,, (H aro ld N ico lson), 1796,, (dip lom acy), () ( ), H aro ld N ico lson,d ip lom acy, 3rd ed.,n ew Yo rk: O xfo rd U niversity P ress, 1964, pp ,,, ;, ( ), (the o ther),,,

261 : :,,,,,, 18, (76 ), :,,,,, ( 212 ), ( ),,, ( ),,, ( ) (186 ),, ( ) 1922,,,, [ ] 80 : [ ] (306 ) :,, : ), ( ( ) ;,, ( ), (Joanna W aley2cohen) 1993 : 18, 109

262 ( ),, (),,,,, g g (, ),,, (),, (80 ), ( ),, ( ),, (194195,,,, ),,, (, ),, 18 (T heda Skocpo l) (b ringing the state back in),, (im perial fo rm ation) ;, ;,, (25 ) Joanna W aley2cohen, Ch ina and W estern T echno logy in the L ate E igh teenth Century, 110 A m erican H istorical R ev iew, 985 (1993), pp

263 :,, ( ) ( ),, (30 ), (),,, ( ) (,, ),,,,,, () :, () : ( ), (,, ) :, ( ),,,,,,, ( inclu sion w ithou t ru ling) (ru lersh ip) (qualification) :, :, 10 ( );, 14 ( ) 111

264 ( ) :, ;,, (280 ), :,,,,,, (, ), () :,,,,,, (iden titygiden tities),,,,,,, () : ( ),,,, () : ( ),,, (),, (),,, ( ),,,, ( ), 112

265 : :,,, (),,, () ( ),,,,,,, ( ), (),,,, :, ;,,,,, ( ) (), ( ),, ), 11 (

266 ,, (, ),, (, ),,,,,,,,, ;,,,, :, ;, ( ), (Robert A. B ickers ),,,? (, ;, ) ( ), 18,, (Pau1 A. Cohen),, 18,, ;,,,,, 114,,

267 : (, ) ( ),,,,,,,, (, ) 19, ( ) ( ),,,,, ( , ),, (falsification),,, (to engage the past),,,, (distribu tion), 115

268 (decon structing h isto rical recon struction s),,, ( ), (,,,, ) ( ) (the taken2fo r2gran ted) : ; ; ; (the social) ;,, ;,,, ( ),, (m odern ist fiction) [ ],,,,,,,,,,,, :, 116

269 :,,, ( ),,,, :,, (113 ), ;,,,, : [ ], (em pathy),,,,,,, (legib ility) (con structedness), ( ) (Pam ela K. C ro ssley) :,, (,, ), (,, ; 1950,, Judith B. Farquar & Jam es L. H evia, Culture and Po stw ar Am erican H isto riography of Ch ina, P ositions, I2 (fall 1993), pp ,

270 :,,, ( ),,,, :,, (113 ), ;,,,, : [ ], (em pathy),,,,,,, (legib ility) (con structedness), ( ) (Pam ela K. C ro ssley) :,, (,, ), (,, ; 1950,, Judith B. Farquar & Jam es L. H evia, Culture and Po stw ar Am erican H isto riography of Ch ina, P ositions, I2 (fall 1993), pp ,

271 () 3 [ ] ,,,,,, (,L ynn Hunt),,,,: 3 : ;, 79

272 ,X X X,,,,,, 20 80,,,,,,,,,,,, 19 20,, 1896,(Lord Acton) :,Re2 gius (J. B. Bury)1902,,, (grand narrative),,, 80 21,,,,,,, ( Kipling) ;,, Lynn Hunt [ The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley, 1989) ] Victoria Bonnell Lynn Hunt : [Be2 yond the Cultural Turn : New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture, ed. Victoria Bonnell and Lynn Hunt (Berkeley, 1999) ], 34,,Victoria Bonnell Lynn Hunt, : [ The Cambridge Modern History : Its Origins, Authorship, and Production (Cambridge, 1907) ], :? [ E. H. Carr, What is His2 tory? (New York, 1962) ],3 ; : [The Science of History ], Stern : : [ The Varieties of History from Voltaire to the Present, ed. Fritz Stern, 2d ed. (New York, 1973) ], , Stern 1898 [Letter to the Contrib2 utors to the Cambridge Modern History ], : : [Jean2Fran c, ois Lyo2 tard, The Postmodern Condition : A Report on Knowledge (1979), trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Minne2 apolis, 1984) ] : : [Leonard Krieger, Time s Reasons : Philosophies of History Old and New (Chicago, 1989) ] 20 (107,) ; 70 80,

273 ,, :,,, 20,,,, 1929, (Lucien Febvre, ) ( ),,,,,,,, [],,, :,? 20 (),,, :,, 1975,,,,20,,,,,,,,, : : [ G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World Hisotry : Introduction :Reason in History, trans. H. B. Nisbet (Cambridge, 1975) ],13 ;, [ G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, trans. J. Sibree, ed. C. J Friedrich (New York, 1956) ],111 :, [ Peter Burke, The French Historical Revolution : The Annales School, (Cambridge, 1990) ], :, 1939,,,, 1943, 1944,,, Ubiratan D Ambrosio :, [ Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing, ed. Kelly Boyd (2 vols. ; London, 1999) ]1 :379 81

274 ,, ,1905 : (Philip II and the Franche2Comt : A Study of Political, Religious, and Social History) [1911,1912 ] ( mile Durkheim),,,,,,, ( Henri Berr), : 1900,, (histoire historisante),, 16 ( ),, ( Geography and the Evolution of Mankind, 1922), ( Friedrich Ratzel),,,,( ),,?, (total history),,, 16 (, ), : ( The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II,1949 ;,1966), (Fernand Braudel, ),, :, (la longue dure ), ;,, ( ) ; ( ),, Keylor :: [ William R. Keylor, Academy and Community : The Foundation of the French Historical Profession ( Cambridge, Mass., 1975) ],, [Henri Berr and theterrible Craving for Synthesis ] : [ Fer2 nand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Sian Reynolds, 2 vols. (New York, 1973) ] 82

275 ,,,,,,,, (),,, (13, )(, ),,,,,, 20 30,, :,,,, ( ), ; 20 30,, (Otto Neurath) (Rudolf Car2 nap) ( Herbert Feigl) ( Hans Reichenbach), ( ),( ),,,,,(nomothet2 ic), : 1 :14,J. H. Hexter Hans Kellner, : Hexter [Fernand Braudel and the Monde braudellien..., Journal of Modern History 44 (1972) : ] ; Kellner : ( ) [Disorderly Con2 duct : Braudel s Mediterranean Satire (A Review of Reviews), History and Theory, 18 (1979) : , reprinted in Kell2 ner, Language and Historical Representation : Getting the Story Crooked (Madison, Wis., 1989), ] :De : Examen de conscience d une histoire et d un historien : Le c on d ouverture au Coll ge de France, 13 d cembre 1933, [ Combats pour l histoire (Paris, 1992 {orig. edn. 1953}) ], :Contre l esprit de sp cialit : Une Lettre de 1933,, :Le c on d ouverture,,16 [ Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago, 1962) ] [ International Encyclopedia of U2 nified Science] [, (Chicago, 1970), ], 83

276 , (ideo2 graphic),,,,,, 1941,,,,, (),,,,, , :,,,,,,,,,,,,, 84 ( ) (),,,?, 30,,1949 :1953 ( ),,,,,,, Le c on d ouverture,,12 :Vivre l histoire : Propos d initiation (,1941),,20 :Vivre l histoire,,20 :nos lecteurs, [Annales d histoire conomique et sociale 1 (1929) : 1] : ( 2), , Kelly Ann Mulroney, [Team Research and Interdisci2 plinarity in French Social Science, (Ph. D. disser2 tation, University of Virginia, 2000) ], Pour une histoire direg e : Les recherches collectives et l avenir de l histoire,,55 60,419 38, [A New Kind of History, in Febvre, A New Kind of History and Other Essays, ed. Peter Burke, trans. K. Folca ( New York, 1973), 27 43],,

277 ,,,,,,,,,?, :,,,,,, ( ),,,, ( ),,, (William H. McNeill),, 1949 (pointil2, liste painters),,,,,,,, 1966,,,,,?,,, :,,,,,,,,,, :, [ William H. McNeill, Ferdinand Braudel, Historian,Instituto Fernand Braudel de Economia Mundial, Braudel Papers no. 22, www. braudel. org. br/ paping22. htm. Copyright date 2003, accessed March 2004] 85

278 ,, (), ,, :,,,,,,,,,,, 1958,,, :,, 1958 :,,, ( ),, :,, 86, 1958,,, ( Immanuel Wallerstein) 1999,, ( Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie),, 1999,,,, : [ Fernand Braudel,Histoire et so2 ciologie, in Braudel, crits sur l histoire (Paris, 1969), 105] [ On History, trans. Sarah Mat2 thews (Chicago, 1980) ] : : [Histoire et sciences socials : La longue dur e, in crits sur l histoire, 83] ( Francois Ewald Jean2Jacques Brochier ) [Une vie pour l histoire, Magazine litt ratire no. 212 (nov. 1984), 22 ] : :? [ Immanuel Wallerstein, Braudel and Interscience : A Preacher to Empty Pews?(paper for the Vth Journ e Braude2 liennes, Binghamton University, Oct. 1 2, 1999), binghamton. edu/ iwjb. htm ( copyright date 1999, accessed Sept. 2003) ] :

279 ( G rard Noiriel),,, ; ;, ;, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,, ( : ) : [ G rard Noiriel, Sur la crise de l histoire ( Paris, 1996) ],94 96 ( ), Francois Doose, L histoire en miettes : DesAnnales la nouvelle histoire( Paris, 1987 ), :,55 60 :,92 100, 97 Coherence and Incoherence in Historical Studies Allan Megill Abstract : This article examines t he problem of coherence in historical thinking and writing f rom t he so2called Annales school in France in t he 1930s to t henew cultural history t hat emerged in t he 1980s in t he United States. U ntil t he early 20t h century, it was often assumed t hat historical research would soon generate a unified history of humanity. But coherence proved harder to a2 chieve t han such historians as Lord Acton and J. B. Bury hoped. The Annales school historians L ucien Febvre and Fernand Braudel proposed atotal historyaiming at the comprehensive de2 scription of specific historical realities, such as t he Mediterranean in t he age of Philip II, but the attempt to writetotalhistory tended, ironically, to generate incoherence. The promoters of the new cultural historyabandoned t he project of total history and instead propo sed t hat historians should unite around one or anot herparadigmof historical research. The most sop histicated of t hese historians (e. g., L ynn Hunt) acknowledge t hat t he choice of paradigm is f undamentally ar2 bitrary. The p resent article questions whet her the imposed coherence of a paradigm is worth the p rice. Historians o ught to aim for a critical perspective and adherence to high epistemolo gical standards. These are more important t han having a unified historiograp hy. Key words : Amnales School, new cult ural history, coherence, incoherence 87

280 () [ ] ,,,,,, (,L ynn Hunt),,,, 1911,,,,, 93

281 ,,,, 1933, 1936,20 60,,,,, (L ynn Hunt) 1986,,, ,, ( Raspail) 1975,,,,,,,,,,20 70,,1978, (J acques Revel) 90 :,,, 60,,,1978,,, ( Fran2 : [Su rune forme d histoire qui n est pas la ngtre : L histoire historisante ],, ,117, : [ L histoire traditionelle et la synt h se ( Paris, 1921) ], 1911 [Discussion avec un historien historisant ],, 115, Pierre Goubet Robert Mandrou , () :20 : [ Lynn Hunt,French History in t he Last Twenty Years : The Rise and Fall of t he Annales Paradigm, Journal of Contemporary History 21 (1986) : ] :: [Jacques RevelThe Annales : Continuities and Discontinuities, Review 1 :3/ 4 ( Winter/ Spring 1978), 16, 17, 18 ], : 94

282 cois Furet), ,, ;,,,,, :,,, ;,,,1983, 1986,, 1983,, ;,,,,,, histoire des mentalit s (),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, :,( ),, : [ Francois Furet, Beyond t he Annales, Journal of Modern History 55 (1983), , at ], [ In t he Workshop of History, trans. Jonat han Mandelbaum (Chicago, 1984) ] :, :,397 :, Ernst Bernheim, Lehrbuch der Histo2 rischen Methode ( Munich, 1889) ; Charles2Victor Lang2 lois and Charles Seignobos, Introduction to the Study of History, trans. G. C. Berry (New York, 1904 [ 1898 ]) ;, [ R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History, rev. edition, wit h Lectures ed. Jan van der Dussen ( Oxford, 1993 [ 1946 ]) ] 95

283 , ( ), : (,,), 1989, 70 ( Clifford Geertz) ( Michel Foucault),, [( Ian Hacking) 1981 ], ( Pierre Bourdieu),( habitus),, (Step hen Greenblatt) ,( Victoria Bonnell) 96, ( Richard Biernacki),?,,,,, ( ),,,,,,Jacques Bar2 zun, : [Cultural History : A Synt he2 sis, in The Varieties of History, ] ; Donald R. Kelley, [The Old Cultural Histo2 ry, History of t he Human Sciences 9 ( 1996) : ] : ( ,80 ) : : [ Clifford Geertz, The Inter2 pretation of Cultures : Selected Essays ( New York, 1973) ] : [ Ian Hacking,The Archaeology of Foucault( ),in Foucault : A Critical Reader, ed. David C. Hoy (Oxford, 1986), 27, quoted by Patricia O Brien,Michel Foucault s History of Culture, in The New Cultural History, 45 ] : [ Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. Richard Nice ( Cambridge, 1977) {orig. French edn., 1972} ] ;:: [ Distinction : A Social Critique of t he J udgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice ( Cambridge, Mass., 1984) {orig. French edn., 1979} ] [ The New Historicism Reader, ed. H. Aram Veeser (New York, 1994) ], ( ,80 ) : [ Richard Bier2 nacki,met hod and Metaphor after t he New Cultural History ],,62

284 ;,, ( Robert Darnton ) (L ynn Hunt) ( Roger Chartier),, ( The Great Cat Massacre),,,,,,,,, ( webs of meaning), ( meaning),, (,,, ),, ( ),,, :, ( Thomas Kuhn),,1995,,,,,,,,, 20 70,, (David Hollinger) 1973 :,14 ; :,63 64 : [ Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York, 1984) ] ; : [Lynn Hunt, Politics, Language, and class in t he French Revolution (Berkeley, 1984) ],,, Marilyn Strat h2 ern [Ubiquities,,Annals of Scholarship 9 (1992) : ] : [ Thomas S. Kuhn, The Struc2 ture of Scientific Revolutions, 2d, enl. Ed ( Chicago, 1970 [ 1962 ]) ] ; Aristides Baltas, Kostas Gavroglu Vassiliki Kindi, [A Discussion wit h Thomas S. Kuhn, in Kuhn, The Road Since Structure : Philosophical Essays, , with an Autobio2 graphical Interview, ed. James Conant and John Hauge2 land (Chicago, 2000) : 300 ] 97

285 ,, ( Traian Stoianovich) 1976 : ( Peter Burke) 1990, :, , 1986, :? ( ),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 98,,,,, ;, ;,,,,, : [ David Hollinger,T. S. Kuhn s Theory of Science and It s Im2 plications for History in Paradigms and Revolutions : Ap2 praisals and Applications of Thomas Kuhn s Philosophy of Science, ed. Gary Gutting ( Notre Dame, 1980 ) : ] : : [ Traian Stoianovich, French Historical Method : The Annales Paradigm, wit h a foreword by Fernand Braudel ( It haca, N. Y., 1976) ] ; ::, ( ,81 ) Miguel A. Cabrera : [On Language, Culture, and Social Action, History and Theory 40 : 4 (2001) : ] Cabrera,, (100) :, :,164

286 ,,,,,,,, (, ),, (Leonard Krieger) :,,,,,,, :?,?, (, ) :,,, Michael A. Bellesiles : [ Arming America : The Origins of a National Gun Culture (New York, 2000) ] Bellesiles, Emory,, Belle2 siles, Bellesiles,?, Bellesiles, (Bancroft Prize,, 2000 Bellesiles), Knopf Bellesiles, ( www. oah. org/ pubs/ nl/ 2003feb ), [Columbia University Rescinds Bancroft Prize ], Michael Bellesiles [Report of t he Investigative Committee in t he matter of Professor Michael Bellesiles, dated 10 J uly 2002, by Stanley Katz ( chair ), Hanna H. Gray, and Laurel Thatcher Ulrich ] Bellesiles (, www. emory. edu/ central/ N EWS/ Releases/ Final _ Report. pdf ; ), Jon Wiener,Emory Bellesiles :,,,, Binkley2Stephenson, 1996 Bellesiles,, [The Origins of Gun Culture in t he United States, , Journal of American History 83 (1996) : ] Bellesiles Google (r),www. hnn. us : ( , 80 ),

287 ,,,,,,,,,,,,?,,,,,,,,,, 2003,, (),,,,, ( : ) John Higham :: [Beyond Consensus : The Historian as Moral Crit2 ic, American Historical Review 67 (1962) : ] Higham,,,,, Coherence and Incoherence in Historical Studies Allan Megill Abstract : This article examines t he problem of coherence in historical thinking and writing f rom t he so2called Annales school in France in t he 1930s to t henew cultural history t hat emerged in t he 1980s in t he United States. The present article questions whet her t he imposed coherence of a paradigm is worth the price. Historians ought to aim for a critical perspective and adherence to high epistemological standards. These are more important t han having a unified historiograp hy. Key words : Amnales School, new cult ural history, coherence, incoherence 100

288 VOLUME 54, NUMBER 1 JANUARY 11, 2007 On Clifford Geertz: Field Notes from the Classroom By Robert Darnton As an anthropologist, philosopher, political scientist, literary critic, and all-around, all-star intellectual, Clifford Geertz helped a vast public make sense of the human condition. But for nearly everyone in that public, his ideas operated like gravity invisibly, as attraction at a distance. They worked differently up close, especially in the classroom, where they bounced off the walls in all directions, lighting up subjects in unpredictable patterns. I would like to testify to Cliff's prowess as a teacher. We taught together, on and off, for twenty-five years. Our course, an undergraduate seminar at Princeton University, sported a name that once sounded sexy: "History 406: The History of Mentalities." I began to teach it solo in 1974, when the French variety of histoire des mentalités the study of collective attitudes and worldviews as developed by Robert Mandrou, Georges Duby, Philippe Ariès, Michel Vovelle, and other historians looked like the hottest thing off the Left Bank. At the same time, I encountered Cliff, who had arrived in Princeton in 1970 as a professor at the Institute for Advanced Study and taught in its new School of Social Science, founded in He asked me what historians meant by mentalities. After I stammered out some kind of reply, he said, "Sounds like anthropology." A year later, we were teaching the course together, and it turned into a seminar on history and anthropology. The love affair between history and anthropology heated up wonderfully in the 1970s. The two disciplines seemed to be made for each other: what historians studied at a far remove in time, anthropologists examined far away in space. The "what" in question was the je ne sais quoi called culture. Cliff knew what he meant by the term, but he did not go in for definitions. Conceptual clarity was what he urged on the students, not a party line. He made his own position clear, however, so clear that many of the students found themselves adopting a semiotic view of culture even if they had not heard of semiotics. That is, they sharpened their awareness of how people construe the world through signs, not merely by means of verbal clues but also by reference to objects from everyday life the adjustment of veiling to signal degrees of deference in the western desert of Egypt, the designing of houses to align symmetry between man and beast in northeast Thailand, the hunting of cassowaries (an ostrich-like bird) as a journey into the afterlife in the Central

289 Highlands of New Guinea, the eating of pangolins (scaly anteaters) to produce fertility in the Congo... Once, long before Cliff became famous even beyond the range of The New York Review of Books, I overheard one undergraduate say solemnly to another in the men's room of Firestone Library, "I'm not a Freudian. I'm a Geertzian." When I mentioned this to Cliff, he just laughed. He never tried to found a school. He wanted to help students crack open distant mental worlds and wander around inside alien ways of thinking. We adopted a straightforward strategy in designing the course. The students would compare a historical and an anthropological monograph on the same subject for example, Keith Thomas's Religion and the Decline of Magic and E.E. Evans-Pritchard's Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande. The topics could be tied together in endless combinations. They took us all over the globe and through all periods of time, because we did not worry about covering anything systematically. Thomas's Elizabethans obviously inhabited a different world from that of Evans-Pritchard's Africans, yet Cliff found ways of making meaningful comparisons between their views of witch-craft. In his fieldwork in southern Su-dan during the 1920s, Evans-Pritchard learned that the Azande attributed all disasters to witchcraft and that they had a rigorously empirical understanding of the way it operated. When a granary raised on top of wooden stakes collapsed on a man who had been sleeping beneath it, they acknowledged that the pillars had been eaten away by termites. Weren't the termites therefore the cause of the death? Certainly not, said Cliff, summoning up Evans-Pritchard's famous dialogues with his native informants. Why did that granary collapse on that particular man at that specific moment? they asked. "Bad luck," the Western answer, was no answer at all, according to them. They dismissed "luck" as a much feebler concept than witchcraft, which they understood as having material manifestations that could be detected by autopsies. By the time Cliff had explained the self-confirming character of the entire Azande system of thought, they seemed to be more reasonable, in their way, than the fanatics of seventeenth-century England with their dunking stools and human bonfires. Cliff tried to make the distant seem familiar and the familiar look foreign as in Gulliver's Travels, one of his favorite books. But he did not simply rely on ethnographic storytelling to drive the message home. We usually began the course by discussing a medley of theoretical essays. Cliff's own sympathies were easy to detect: Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Paul Ricoeur, linguistic philosophers like J.L. Austin, and Weberian sociologists like Robert Bellah. But he took pains to extract the most original elements from the thought of

290 anthropologists whose work was least compatible with his Claude Levi-Strauss, for example (Cliff disliked the abstract and formalistic character of his ethnography), and Bronislaw Malinowski (Cliff had little patience with functionalist explanations of culture). Instead of reducing theories to a lowest common denominator (his own), he reveled in their differences. As I learned from redrafting the syllabus with him each year, Cliff seemed to have read everything. Moreover, he read at a prodigious speed, extracting the essence of a book along with a vast amount of detail, which he blended with information derived from other books, so that trails of evidence criss-crossed in unexpected patterns from one subject to another. Was this sharp intelligence, inexhaustible curiosity, and encyclopedic knowledge intimidating? Certainly. Cliff was a shy person who had difficulty in making contact with others, despite his skill as a field worker. He had learned to read the status conflicts acted out in Balinese cockfights and to spot the telling details that distinguished the Islam experienced by the Javanese from the Islam of the Moroccans. [*] Yet he did not smooth the way for give-and-take among academics. After conversing with him, other professors often walked away with an uncomfortable feeling of their own inferiority. Did this difficulty impede Cliff's effectiveness as a teacher? Certainly not. He got on well with students, because they expected him to know more than they did, and they rarely knew enough to be awed by his omniscience. Cliff preferred teaching undergraduates. Unlike graduate students, they took risks and did not suffer from the anxieties attached to the process of professionalization. I recently ran into a former student who took History 406 many years ago and remembered vividly how Cliff had encouraged him after he blurted out a remark that the rest of us thought absurd: Evans-Pritchard had made witchcraft seem so believable that perhaps it really did exist. Cliff was delighted. The student had broken through the barrier of culture-bound thinking. Yet Cliff was not a born teacher. He talked too fast and mumbled into his beard so badly that the students found it difficult to understand him. His huge mane of hair hung over his skull in such disorder as if to say: "Beware! Genius Inside." He sat awkwardly in a chair, his jacket buttoned too tight over his potbelly, his legs crossed at an odd angle which exposed six to twelve inches of shiny white shin. None of his clothes fit. The rumpled, disheveled figure at the far end of the table frequently said nothing, apparently lost in its own thoughts. Then suddenly it would explode in talk. The words would tumble out in a torrent, and we would sit back amazed. My job was to set the stage for the explosions. Not that we ever planned them or discussed pedagogical strategy. But it became clear that I would have to

291 start the discussion rolling, soften up the students, and prepare points, so to speak, like a sparring partner. Then Cliff would come in with the KO punch. Occasionally he hit home with such force that he broke open a whole new way of thinking. When we were discussing Alfonso Ortiz's superb but difficult monograph about the Tewa people in the Rio Grande valley of New Mexico, The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society, I tried to warm things up by going over Tewa cosmology as it was explained in the text. I enumerated esoteric details about the connections between cardinal directions, color symbolism, and mythological motifs. By the time I got to initiation rites, I realized that everything was falling flat. I was making a worldview sound as mechanical as the directions in a tool kit. At that point, Cliff intervened. He described what happened. Adolescent boys sleeping in the familiar comfort of their beds are awakened unexpectedly in the middle of the night. They are dressed in a ritual breechclout (a kind of loincloth), covered with a blanket, and made to climb down a ladder into a windowless antechamber of a kiva, the deepest, most secret room in the pueblo. Then they are told to shed their blankets. A terrible thump occurs over their heads. Elders cover the ladder with a blanket; and when they remove it, there stands the chief deity in a terrifying mask. He announces that he has come from his dwelling place beneath the lake and asks the boys if they are prepared to be "finished" as men. After they agree, he flails their bare torsos with a yucca whip, striking with all his might and raising huge, red welts on their rib cages. Finally, when they are reduced to terror, he pulls off his mask, and they see the face of a relative or neighbor laughing at them. What was the nature of the revelation? Cliff asked. Like all the students, I thought the boys had been initiated into something like a confidence game. By removing his mask, the elder had exposed the human hiding behind the false deity. It made me think of the child who pulls the beard off the department-store Santa Claus. No, Virginia, there is no Santa: that seemed to be the message. Not at all, Cliff explained. The boys had learned that Uncle X was a god, not that a supposed god was only Uncle X. Suddenly we were staring into strange territory. The pueblo chiefs and ritual clowns often perform a rain dance when they see black clouds approaching, Cliff remarked. Is that because they want to maximize their power by leading the credulous to believe that they can make it rain? No, he said. The dancing "brings down" the rain. It is a way of helping the people enter into harmony with the cosmological forces not priestcraft but the acting out of a worldview. Culture as performance, ritual as the

292 enactment of myth Cliff was always seizing on points that ran counter to our intuition. That was his genius as a teacher: to help us think against the grain of our own culture and to enter imaginatively into mental territory that lies beyond it. After the seminar sessions, Cliff and I always continued the conversation over beer at the Annex, a nearby restaurant now defunct. He had ideas about everything jazz, foreign affairs, horse racing, automobiles, mathematics, the New York Yankees, James Joyce, colleagues. Instead of pulling subjects into the gravitational field of his own expertise, he pursued them into corners where they were most unfamiliar, where he could capture their otherness. "Othering" has become a cuss word among anthropologists, something nearly as wicked as "essentialism." In recent years, Cliff was accused of making other cultures look too coherent and of polishing his prose so effectively as to misrepresent alien societies by eliminating their rough spots and fault lines. Did he take an overly aesthetic and holistic view of culture in our class discussions? No, but he worked hard to get across the notion that symbolic systems such as the representation of political authority in the Balinese "theater state" hold together with a power of their own, that they do not derive from social organization, and that the interpretation of them requires rigorous empirical study as well as conceptual clarity. For example, in expounding the esoteric notion of the hermeneutic circle the conception of interpretive understanding favored by the philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer Cliff did not begin with an exposition of Gadamer's general principles and a theoretical account of descriptive as opposed to causal explanations in the human sciences. Instead, he asked the students to imagine themselves explaining baseball to a visitor from Outer Mongolia whom they had taken to a game. You would point out the three bases, he said, and the need to hit the ball in such a way as to run around the bases and reach home plate before being tagged out by the defense. But in doing so, you might note the different shape of the first baseman's glove or the tendency of the infield to realign itself in the hope of making a double play. You would tack back and forth between general rules three strikes, you're out and fine details the nature of a hanging curve. The mutual reinforcement of generalizations and details would build up an increasingly rich account of the game being played under the observers' eyes. Your description could circle around the subject indefinitely, getting thicker with each telling. Thick descriptions would vary; some would be more effective than others; and some might be wrong: to have a runner advance from third base to second would be a clear mistake. But the descriptions, if sufficiently artful and accurate, would cumulatively convey an interpretation of the thing itself, baseball.

293 Cliff had the students dashing around the hermeneutic circle like runners stealing bases. He did not invoke great names Weber, Dilthey, Gadamer in order to get across his argument. But he cited authorities as needed, without the name dropping that can create a climate of oppressive intellectuality in a classroom. Cliff had no use for intellectual snobbery. He was an intellectual himself, the real thing. And as a teacher, he was exhilarating. When his eyes lit up and the words poured out, he infected students with the excitement of the chase. They, too, could penetrate another world. The game was difficult, but anyone could play. And in Cliff they had an example of a hunter-gatherer who blazed his own trail through the jungle of cultures. He opened a way for the rest of us, for readers everywhere, for the citizenry in general, but above all for the undergraduates fortunate enough to pick up the scent in History 406. Notes [*] See "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in The Interpretation of Cultures (Basic Books, 1973), and Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia (Yale University Press, 1968).

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304 @YQÐR4!"#¹öÓ³+,-A +ÓÔS&BC$%A^Tá ÃŽcË766½Ë 9U½5½5½Î½: 4 97:V^WŽcÌ95575X9Ì4>½Y¹ö2 +,A +ÓÔ5L ^àá+cû01234y¹ö56738 JK$%Y¹ö5Ó³ 3' i ØÙ JKFŒ I 4 L ³þÿABMû³ + i#2`;n 92P9FO(APDF? 78äå,09Lb#è Ÿ(FŸ(AŸV# *75<½5 694Î #Š $%&'Y(Ð#¹º»Ó³3F)*Å+,- 4#./ z{ }V#9ø:;<=æ$%æ >A?ô R#@9ø' ÔA1 ÞßI2`34'äåiRAï ³56 Ö 1 #2` `k AB;#J&CD$%AECFGF'H~I Ö ` ŸáFOÔÕYZÚK[ #@ÑÒ +ÓÔbÕ\] +,Y ,?@ABCDEFGHIJK%L&'MN+,AOPQ"RSA BCTUVWXYJZ'+,[\]A^_`abc#def*gA_ hij`kflmnopqrstputvwxyul&'z{ }~`k A WƒY & %^.ˆ Š +Œ 'Ž# š œ ižaÿ Flm +, 3¾45 9½5#ÀBÁÂÁ šãä ³ÃŽAÅ[ÆÇȽÉ7:ʽË7Ì̽ 5½5Íν: 4 97:ÏB #Ð ÑÒµ +, ÓÔbÕAÖ) YÀ ØÙÚz{ }AÛ ÜÝÞß#.àá+ =::7=U½67<u½ Ïæv1AÄ +Fwx^k wx^yæçz½ {½½: pqrs59ê½:î7:aä ³BC AŒ 'ŽÆÇȽÎt5>4:9Î4 97:Î gºh3½5= 9AÄijFklÆÇÈ4m966½½ 6½ÎÌÍ 9½5ÎÏæno ɽÌ75 4:Ê}9Î 75 ~pstyp t ptƒwq yvpïæ AÄ ˆ GŠ ü âãÿáaéêilë +, ±²³ µa& ³ +-A¹º»¼7>½5 Ð^_#`a' +Œ ã*a A?bcì@9de[#.f Q" +,øùö úûüýaœ Ÿßæþÿ'Ž0 +Ó!"#$%&'()*+,-./ :;<=5> Bª«" Yc & RS +,AB # `k ìíîµïðñò+adóÿ(ôõy¹ö ì!a^?@c54 9"=½ âãäåæmçiè +

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307 論 Peter Burke, Varieties of Cultural History (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1997, x+246 pp.) Mark Poster, Cultural History and Postmodernity: Disciplinary Readings and Challenges (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997, vii+173 pp.) John Neubauer, ed., Cultural History after Foucault (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1999, xiii+246 pp.) Victoria E. Bonnell & Lynn Hunt, eds., Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1999, xi+350 pp.) * 兩 六 年 來 了 歷 流 了 年 (Hunt, 1989; Terrence J. Mcdonald, 1996: ;

308 Kelley, 1996: ; Poster, 1997) 1 了 Jacob Burckhart Johan Huizinga (Burke, 1997: ) 2 年 Lynn Hunt 3 The New Cultural History 論 History, Culture, and Text 年 類 Peter Burke( ) 錄 歷 裡 歷 行 了 Carlo Ginzburg 4 裡 了 ( 1999: 146 沈 2000: 77-89) 年 Roger Chartier 5 來 識 (intellectual history) (Chrtier, 1988: 37-45) Chartier 更 度 度 (, 1992: ) 1 (intellectual history) (Thomas J. Schaeper, 1991: ) 2 Kelley, Donald. The old cultural history, History of the Human Sciences 9.3 (1996): Lynn Hunt 789 (1990.3): Carlo Ginzburg Nocturnal Enquiry: Carlo Ginzburg, in Perry Anderson, A Zone of Engagement (London &New York: Verso, 1992), pp Roger Chartier ( 1995) 3-64

309 Chartier 說 The New Cultural History Lynn Hunt 念 不 (cultural turn) Hunt 歷 Victoria E. Bonnell Lynn Hunt 論 Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture 了 () 歷 練 歷 兩 6 來 行 (Victoria E. Bonnell& Lynn Hunt, 1999:5) 不 歷 類 論 理 論 例 年 The Fate of Culture : Geertz and Beyond Glifford Geertz 理 論 了 論 行 年 臨 留 年 7 來 6 Geertz Interpretation of Cultures, Discipline and Punish, Bourdieu Outline of a Theory of Practice(Bonnell, 1999: 4) 7 Stuart Clark, The Annales School: Critical Assessments Vol. I-IV(London & New York: Routledge, 1999).

310 什 8 了 了 讀 論 年 來 論 論 來 了 來 論 兩 論 年 兩 年 Burke 見 歷 9 Varieties of Cultural History Burke 論 異 (varieties) 論 Origins of Cultural History 論 兩 理 利 Burke 年 領 領 8 9 Peter Burke Ewa Domańskar, Encounters: Philosophy of History after Postmodernism (Charlottesville and London: University Press of Viginia, 1998), pp ( )

311 領 滑 Burke 理 不 理 論 Strengths and Weaknesses of the History of Mentalities Unity and Variety in Cultural History 兩 論 來 了 異 論 ( 歷 類 ) 歷 裂 (fragmentation)(burke, 1997: vii-viii) Mark Poster Irvine 歷 理 論 年 The Mode of Information: Poststructuralism and Social Context(1990) Foucault, Marxism, and History(1984) 年 Cultural History and Postmodernity: Disciplinary Readings and Challenges 年 來 歷 / (poststructuralism/postmodernism) 論 Poster 論 了 Lawrence Stone, Francois Furet, Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault( 1- Lawrence Stone s Family History, 2- Textual Agents: History at the End of History, 3- Furet and the Deconstruction of 1789, 4- Michel de Certeau and the History of Consumerism, 5- The Future According to Foucault: The Archeology of Knowledge and the Intellectual History, 6- In Place of a Conclusion: History as Knowledge ) 論 不 索 (Poster, 1997: 13) John Neubauer 年 論 Cultural History after Foucault 年 來 論 Michel Foucault (Goldstein, 1994) 度 切 論 來

312 年 不 論 不 稜 兩 更 來 不 了 (Foucauldian) 力 識 歷 了 論 來 類 論 類 類 念 類 連 兩 Willem Frijhoff, Foucault Reformed by Certeau: Historical Strategies of Discipline and Everyday William Scott, Reading/Writing/Killing: Foucault, Cultural History and the French Revolution (Neubauer, 1999: viiii-xiii) Frijhoff 歷 流 例 不 論 歷 念 Natalie Z. Davis, Hunt Frijhoff Ginzburg 來 說 了 年 留 度 Frijhoff 不 Michel de Certeau Certeau (appropriation) 念 見 Certeau (Frijhoff, 1999: 83-99) Scott 了 利 料 省 錄 了 年 歷

313 Beyond the Cultural Turn Victoria E. Bonnell Lynn Hunt 年 來 力 了 列 Lynn Hunt Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution 年 列 了 (linguistic turn) 10 行 識 不 年 了 歷 論 論 歷 行 理 論 兩 年 了 歷 Beyond the Cultural Turn (Bonnell & Hunt, 1999: ix-x) 論 來 論 Benedict Anderson, Carlo Ginzburg, Emmanuel Le Roy Laudurie, E. P. Thomposn, Francois Furet, Joan W. Sott, Lawrence Stone, Lynn Hunt, Michel de Certear, M. Ozouf, Natalie Zemon Davis, Peter Burke, Robert Darnton, Roger Chartier, Simon Schama ( 見 參 ) 不 Lynn Hunt 來 類 10 () John E. Toews, Intellectual History after the Linguistic Turn: The Autonomy of Meaning and the Irreducibility of Experience American Historical Review 92 (1987):

314 理 律 理 索 (cultural symbols) 不 (Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt & Margaret Jacob, 1994: ) Roger Chartier 說 來 兩 來 (Chartier, 1982: 13-46) 不 Telling the Truth about History 了 切 什 不 歷 (thick descriptions) 不 理 來 論 (materialist reductionism) 異 了 (relativism) (skepticism) (Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt & Margaret Jacob, 1994: 223) 年 流 見 度 不 論 異 Burke (1) (2) 理 (3) 念 (4) 不 (5) 不 歷 類 (Burke, 1997: ) Poster 了 歷 來

315 略 女 論 (Poster, 1997: 5) Frijhoff 論 論 (narrativism) 歷 類 了 (Frijhoff, 1999: 89-90) 歷 Richard Biernacki 異 不 立 Joan W. Scott Chartier 了 不 (Bonnell, 1999: 62) 臨 論 來 Beyond the Cultural Turn 論 切 論 理 論 例 Biernacki Method and Metaphor after the New Cultural History 年 了 力 來 不 路 (Biernacki, 1999: 62-63) 歷 更 (Biernacki, 1999: 75) 年 Biernacki History and Theory 歷 (Forum on Culture and Explanation in Historical Inquiry) 度 論 Language and the Shift from Signs to Practices in Cultural Inquiry 了 來

316 11 不 邏 念 來 (Biernacki, 2000: ) Beyond the Cultural Turn 數 論 論 了 歷 度 立 不 不 了 不 不 了 念 (reconceptualization) 論 論 來 歷 理 (Bonnell & Hunt, 1999: 11) 念 來 William Sewell The Concept(s) of Culture, 歷 來 類 (Bonnell & Hunt, 1999: 35-61) Biernacki 了 不 復 (sign) (class) 念 論 11 Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens at Versailles (Cambridge, Eng., 1997); Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, (Princeton, 1997); Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago, 1998).

317 類 更 歷 不 Burke 歷 論 (construction) 論 論 兩 (Burke, 1997: 198; 1999: 148) Poster 不 Bonnell Hunt 不 歷 不 識 論 來 刺 歷 (Poster, 1997: 11) 不 理 論 立 了 識 論 論 兩 論 論 Beyond the Cultural Turn 兩 了 立 不 更 Burke Varieties of Cultural History Bonnell Hunt Beyond the Cultural Turn 若 歷 流 Bonnell 說 料 不 不 老 路

318 參 Burke, Peter. Culture and Society in Renaissance Italy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Varieties of Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997) New Perspectives on Historical Writing (Cambreidge: Polity Press, 1991) History and Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992). Bonnell, Victoria E. & Lynn Hunt, eds., Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1999) Burckhardt, Jacob. Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (New York: Rand House, 1954). De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). Chartier, Roger. Cultural History: Between Practices and Representation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988) The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987) The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (New York: Duke University Press, 1993) Forms and Meaning ( Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995). Darnton, Robert. The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French

319 Cultural History (New York: Vintage, 1984) The Kiss of Lamourette: Reflections in Cultural Histroy (New York: W. W. Norton Company, Inc., 1990). Davis, Natalie Z. The Return Martin Guerre (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983). Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: BasicBooks, 1973). Ginzburg, Carlo. Clues, Myth, and the Historical Method (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press,1992) The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press,1981). Goldstein, Jan. ed. Foucault and the Writing of History (Chicago, 1994) Hunt, Lynn., ed. The New Cultural History (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1989) The Family Romace of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) and Jacques Revel, eds. Histories: French Constructions of the Past (New York: The New Press, 1995). Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt & Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (Norton & Company, 1994 ). Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. Montaillou (New York: Vintage, 1978). Mandrou, R. Introduction to Modern France (London: Croom Helm, 1975). Neubauer, John. ed., Cultural History after Foucault (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1999)

320 Ozouf, M. The Festivals and the French Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harverd University Press, 1988). Poster, Mark. Cultural History and Postmodernity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997) Sahlins, Marshall. Islands of History (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1985). Schama, Simon. The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Thompson, E. P. The Making of the English Working Class (Harmonsworth: Penguin Books, 1991). Appleby, Joycc. Lynn Hunt & Margaret Jacob, eds., Telling the Truth about History (New York: Norton & Company, 1994) 歷 歷 類 ( 1992) 論 李 理 論 1999 沈 理 論 2000 Biernacki, Richard. Language and the Shift from Signs to Practices in Cultural Inquiry, History and Theory 39 (October 2000): Chartier, Roger. Intellectual History or Sociocultural History? The French Trajectories, in Dominick Lacappa & Steven

321 L. Kaplen, eds. Modern European Intellectual History (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1982). John E. Toews, Intellectual History after the Linguistic Turn: The Autonomy of Meaning and the Irreducibility of Experience American Historical Review 92 (1987): Kelley, Donald. The old cultural history, History of the Human Sciences 9.3 (1996): Maza, Sarah. Stories in History: Cultural Narratives in Recent Works in European History, American Historical Review 101 (1996): Schaeper, Thomas J. French History as Written on Both Sides of the Atlantic: A Comparative Analysis, French Historical Studies 17 (1991).

322 () FUDAN JOURNAL (Social Sciences) No (, ) [ ] 20,,, [],,,, (New Cultural History, NCH,) (cultural turn),20 70,20 80,,1989, (Lynn Hunt),(paradigm),,,,,:,,, :,,,,,,,,,,,,, [ ] [ ],, Lynn Hunt (ed. ), The New Cultural History (Berkeley : The University of California Press, 1989). Prasenjit Duara,Why Is History Antitheoretical?Modern China 24. 2(Apr., 1998) : ;: 100 : ,:, :,2005, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

323 , 60, (postisms),,,, :,,, ( In Defence of History),,,,,,,,,, 20 60, (Philippe Aries) ( E. P. Thompson) ( Keith Thomas) (Na2 talie Zemon Davis) (Le Roy Ladurie) (Daniel Roche),,( Roger Chartier) ( Robert Darnton) ( Carlo Ginzburg) ( Peter Burke) (Lynn Hunt),,,,,,,,, ;,,,,, (habit),,,,,,, :,,,,,,,,,,, 19,,, 20,,,, :,,, :, :,2000,44,:/ / :, :, :,2005,268, :, :,2002,45 Hayden White, The Content of the Form : Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore and London : Johns Hopkins Uni2 versity Press, 1987) 169. Jacques Barzun,History : The Muse and Her Doctors,The American Historical Review, (1972) : 63., : :,: 2, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

324 ,,,,, (Small is beautiful),, (Clifford Greetz),,, (local),,,, (that noble dream), (truth),;, ( ),,, (Mary Douglas) (L vi2strauss) (Victor Turner) (Marshall Sahlins) (James Clifford) : 20,,,,,, :,,,,,,, (Wolf Eric) :, (the people without history), (primitives),, : ( Cheese and Worms : The Cosmos of a Sixteenth2 Century Miller) ;, (Carl E. Schorske) (Christophe Prochasson) 1900 (Peter Gay) :, (Joachim Bumke) : : :,,147 Peter Burke, What Is Cultural History (Cambridge, U. K. Malden, Mass. : Polity Press, 2004) :,,33-35, ::, :,1999,28 Lawrence Stone,History and Postmodernism,Past and Present, (May, 1992) : ::,21 :,: :, Wolf Eric, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1997) xvi. 102,Peter Burke, What Is Cultural History, :,2001,viii,:,56,2007 6, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

325 ( Frangois Furet) (Maurice Agulhon) ( Keith Michael Baker),,,,,, ;,,(representation),,, ;,;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,( ) ;,,,,,,, :,,,,,,,,,, :,,? ()?,, Roger Chartier,The Powers and Limits of Representation,Roger Chartier, On the Edge of the Cliff : History, Language, and Practices, Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane (Baltimore and London : The Yohns Hopkins Uni2 versity Press, 1997) ,:,, Peter Burke, What Is Cultural History, ,(Michel Vovelle) :,:, :,2003,11-17 Peter Burke,Strengths and Weaknesses of Cultural History, 26, Victoria E. Bonnelt and Lynn Hunt (eds), Beyond the Cultural Turn : New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture (Berkeley : U2 niversity of California Press, 1999) Roger Chartier, The Culture Uses of Print in Early Modern France, Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 1987) China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

326 ,,,,,, (reductionism),,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, (multiculturalism),,, 20 90,,, Peter Burke,Strengths and Weaknesses of Cultural History, 26, , : :,, Carlo Ginzburg,Anthropology and History in the 1980s,Journal of Interdisciplinary History (Autumn, 1981) : :, :,2006, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

327 ,, 20 90,, ( Evelyn S. Rawski) (Susan Naquin) (Benjamin A. Elman) (Judith Farquhar) (Philip C. C. Huang) (Prasenjit Duara) (Angela Zito) (Pamelam Crossley) (James L. Hevia) (John Fitzgerald) (Timothy Brook) (Mark C. Elliott) (Henrietta Harrison),,,,, ( Rescuing History from the Nation : Questioning Narratives of Modern China) : ( Sovereignty and Authenticity : Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern),,, ;,, (Charlotte Furth,) ( Gail B. Hershatter) (Dorothy Ko) ( Patricia Ebrey) (Susan L. Mann) (Francesca Bray) (Tani Barlow) (Christina Gilmartin),,,,,(),20 90,,,( Kai - wing Chow) (Cynthia Joanne Brokaw) (Christopher A. Reed) (Friedman, Jill A. ) (Lucille Chia) (Joan Judge) (Barbara Mittler),,,, ( Toble Meyer - Fong) (Antonia Finnane),, (Robert Brickers),(Ruth Rogaski), :, ; :, ;, :, 2005 ;:, 22 4, , :,11 3,2000 9, :,2002 Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1995., Lanham, Oxford : Rowman and Littlefield, : ( Cinderella s Sisters : A Revisionist History of Footbinding, Berkeley : The University of California Press, 2005), 2007, Toble Meyer2Fong,The Printed World : Books, Publishing Culture, and Society in Late Imperial China,The Journial of Asian Studies 66. 3(August, 2007) : China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

328 ,,,,( Sherman Cochran) ( Karl Gerth),,,, (Paul A. Cohen),,(Chang - tai Hung),, (Frank Dikgtter),(James Z. Lee) (Cameron Campbell),,, 20 90,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,:,,,,, (,,,, ),,,,,,,,, :,,,,,,, (sanction), :,14 4, :,, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

329 ,20 90,,,, (,, ),( ),,,;,,,,,,, 20 90,,,, ;,,,,,, ( ) ( ),,, ;, ;,;,,,,,,,,, :,, ;,,,,, ( Political Correctness),,,,;,Ronald Grigor Suny,Back and Beyond : Reversing the Cultural Turn?The American Historical Review (Dec., 2002) : :,, :,2005,iv : :, :, :,2003, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.

330 ,,, 20 80,,,,,,,,,,,, (Robert K. Merton),,,,,,,,,, ;,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, :,,,,! Ne w Cultural History and China Studies ZHANG Zhong2min ( Department of History, Fudan University, Shanghai , China) Abstract : The New Cultural History has been prevailing in the past twenty years, which has greatly changed the views of the past. The power of the New Cultural History has imposed a strong, immediate impression that all histories are cultural histories. This paper makes some reflections on this trend and gives a brief introduc2 tion to the New Cultural History adapted in the research work in China. Key words : culture ; new cultural history ; paradigm ; China studies [ ] :, : ( ), :,2003,145,:, :, : 108,2005, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House. All rights reserved.